• 한국의류학회지
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• 제34권5호
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• pp.873-887
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• 2010

Yuan Shi Kai, the first President of the Republic of China, established a ceremonial uniform system based on ancient styles in 1914 just before the national polity was changed to the Empire of China in 1915. This system is Jisiguanfuzhi (a system on costumes for memorial services), and figures included in the system are Jisiguanfutu (figures showing costumes for memorial services). This study is the first to examine Jisiguanfuzhi and Jisiguanfutu and to approach the background idea of the establishment of the system with a focus on the meaning of 'unity.' Jisiguanfuzhi regulates the ceremonial uniform system of all classes from the President along with the 1st-class to the 5th-class people. The uniform consists of a crown, robe, belt, the mid-section cloth, and boots. In addition, the uniforms of ritual musicians and dancers are included. The basic principles in establishing the system were the restoration of ancient systems, the adoption of convenience, the acceptance of current practices, and the implication of symbolism. Jisiguanfuzhi clarifies that the pattern of the ceremonial uniforms was modeled on Juebianfu, for religious services. The reason for choosing Juebianfu for religious services was to achieve 'unity' and Juebianfu was associated with 'unity' because it was common to all, from the emperor to the gentlemen class, in ancient times. Yuan Shi Kai tried to show flexibility to the gentlemen class who represented the intellectuals at that time by adopting Juebianfu for religious services, fearing that the gentlemen class might oppose the attempt to restore the imperial system. Therefore, although Jisiguanfuzhi adopted mostly Mianfu and royal sacrificial robes, it also emphasized 'unity' by professing that the uniforms were based on Juebianfu for religious services.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제30권1호
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• pp.94-105
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• 2006

This study is focused on the man's costumes of Sadangpae(the troupe of performers) shown in Gamrotaenghwa (감로탱화) during the late Chosun dynasty. Originally Gamrotaenghwa was used as a painting for a Buddhist praying ceremony, 또Young-ga-cheon-do-je(영가천도제). It shows us the lives of the commoners in those days. Gamrotaenghwa reflects the changes of costume style in the late Chosun period. The early styles of po(포, coat) for male performers in the 17th century were changeui(창의) and dopo(도포), which had the front panels(seop) overlapped deeply and sleeves that got wider as time passed. After the 18th century, Male performers wore a simpler coat such as sochangeui(소창의), which had narrow sleeves and long slits on the both sides. Especially the coats of acrobats were fastened on the center front with buttons. Heuklip(흑립: black hat), somoja(소모자: small cap) and jeonlip(전립: wool hat) were used as hats for the male performers. Originally, heuklip was the hat that represented the noble status: yangban(양반). However, it was popularized among the commoners in the late Chosun period. As time passed on, the heuklip became more popular and its shape also changed. Somoja and jeonlip were shown throughout the entire Gamrotaenghwa. Unlike heuklip, those were common hats for Sadangpae. The costumes of entertainers shown in Gamrotaenghwa were very similar to those of the commoners. However, it seems that there were some differences of the costumes depending on the roles they performed.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제15권3호
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• pp.458-466
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• 2015

이 글은 근대 일본의 국어교과서에 기술된 한국을 분석하여 당시 한국에 대한 인식이 어떠했는지 살펴보는 것이 목적이다. 이 연구에서는 일본에서 국정교과서제도가 시행되었던 제1기(1904년)부터 제5기(1945년)까지의 국어교과서에 수록된 한국 관련 내용을 살펴보았다. 근대 일본의 국어교과서에서 한국관련 내용은 신공황후, 도요토미 히데요시, 풍속, 인삼, 서울과 시골풍경 등의 내용으로 요약 가능하다. 신공황후와 도요토미 히데요시를 통하여 한국은 수동적인 약소국의 이미지가 부여되었다. 또한 온돌, 의복, 의례 등 일본과 다른 문화를 지닌 한국을 소개하기도 하였으나, 짐을 실어 나르는 말과 비위생적인 모습을 제시하여 전근대적인 측면을 부각하고 조선총독부와 일제에 의해 신축된 건축물을 중심으로 서울을 묘사함으로써 식민성을 강조하였다. 나아가 조선의 시골 모습을 배경으로 한 이야기를 통하여 내선일체를 유도하였다

• 한국의상디자인학회지
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.33-45
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• 2003

This is a study that examines the fashion changes in the 20th century in terms of various subcultures in the period. Starting from defining the concept and the developing process of subculture, this study traces the history of subcultural styles from 1930s to 1990s, focusing on the way each generation resisted the main stream through its styles. This study is intended to provide a theoretical frame on the understanding of subcultural styles, with a close examination of its formative and developing process and characteristics. This study understands subcultural style as a way of deviate or resistant expression within a society. It differentiates itself from the main style by deliberately and publicly asserting its own identity, and, as a result, realizes in the form of fashion its repressed subconsciousness, resistance to the alienation from the society, and deviation from the normative ethics and morality of a society. The four types of subcultural styles presented in chapter 4 are based on their form of resistance, and they are classified and analyzed as follows: The first type is revision, which tries to revise and change the given form by adding new elements. There are two kinds of revision, one is dressing up, which dresses for success, and the other is minimal dressing. Hyperbole is the second type, which resists by emphasizing or hyperbolizing the main stream with its erotic, nihilistic, or dynamic forms. Two kinds of hyperbole are examined, one is hyperbole of masculinity, and the other is ostentatious hyperbole. The third type is reversal and rejection, which reverses the forms from the established sign system into its own secret code, or rejects the traditional taboos. This type include no dressing, and the reversal of sex identity. Isolation and redrawal is the fourth type, which tries to distance itself from the ritual code of the day. This type is divided into dressing of the escape from time, and dressing of the escape from space. The first group of this type is characterized by nostalgia or futurism. An emphasis is given on ethnicity, naturalism, or a closed space within a city in dressing of the escape from space. In conclusion, it can be said that subcultural style puts the foremost importance on individual freedom. Since 1990s, the distinction between the subcultural styles and high fashion gets somewhat blurred, while the liberal, sexual, life stylistic tension between the two groups are heightened.

• 복식
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• 제31권
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• pp.61-73
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• 1997

Kon-myuh was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals such as worshipping heaven and ancestors marriage or funerals. kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun and kon-bok (the main bodypiece) as well as other articles of clothing(skirt footgear etc), There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the kon-myun number of ryu and symbol to be used all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the korean and Chinese in following the regula-tions as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korea from China during the Three Kingdoms period. It was also worn in the Koryo and Chosun Dynas-ties and the Taehan Empire. In studying Konmyun in Korea the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseory and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty Kukjo-sangrye-bopyun to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight difference were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consist-ency: the king's Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok while that of the prince consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok. For the Taechan Empire the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun which shows the emperor's kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok. To study how the regulations were put into practice relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-Jong remnants from King Ko-jong's Kon-bok and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han to the Ching Dynastices. The researcher investigated Kon-myun es-pecially in the Ming Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to low Ding-ling the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor's Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myuh 18chang-bok and there were other differences I color symbols and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be concluded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adher-ence to the regulations established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little devi-ation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.

• 한국생활과학회지
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.185-194
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• 2004

This study examined the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect that had given a considerable influence on the modem Korean society since the end of 19th century through the field study and the review of documents. The purpose of the study was to elucidate how their religious ideas were reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteristics these costumes had. The results were as follows: 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or the names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs through their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups had common characteristics of the times, Korean tradition and ancestor worship. 3. All the ceremonial costumes symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion in their names, designs, and colors. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, and of the headpieces such as Sky-Crown, Lotus-Crown, Ceremony-Crown, and Sevenfold-Crown, for instance, were related with Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common design of costume was consisted of traditional hanbok and some type of headpiece and robe for men, and hanbok modified to Western-style for women. Most sects adopted hanbok as their ceremonial costume, but they tend to simplify its design. The color scheme of the costumes reflected the influence of the Yul-Yang and Five Elements idea but the colors varied depending on seasons and occasions to suit their creeds and philosophy. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbol, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various elements of traditional Korean outfits and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제41권2호
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• pp.123-139
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• 2003

This study examines the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect through field study and various documents. The purpose of the study is to elucidate how their religious ideas are reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteritics and underlying meanings these costumes have, and I reached the following conclusions 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs in their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups turned out to have certain characteristics in common: they all reflected the times, Korean tradition, ancestor worship. 3. I looked at the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme to establish their structural characteristics, and it turned out that they an symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, for instance, had to do with Buddhism Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common type of costume consisted of traditional hanbok top, pant, robe, and some type of headpiece for men, and hanbok top and, skirt for women, and if women were to wear a robe, it usually meant the sect believed in sexual equality. There was also a tendency to simplify or minimize the dress code, which seems to indicate that the sect was trying to adapt itself to, the times. The most common type of the outer garment for men was a robe with narrow sleeves, straight lapel, and no slits, and a robe with wide sleeves, straight lapel, and slits for women. The color scheme of the costumes included blue, white, yellow, red, and black, reflecting the influence of the Yin-Yang and Five Elements idea and traditional preference for white of Koreans. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various element of traditional Korean outfit and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas. Many religions in and fall, and each has its own dress codes, and I hope this study provides a framework and data for other researchers and leaders of new religious groups that will emerge in the future.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제35호
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• pp.471-508
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• 2017

본 연구의 기본 취의는 역사적으로 문화적 친연성을 지닌 아시아권의 전통춤을 대상으로 한 전통문화콘텐츠 구축을 위한 한 방향성을 제시하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 우리나라의 당악정재 곡목인 <오양선(五羊仙)>을 한 예범으로 그 역사적, 문학적 근거를 통해 그 배경서사의 연원이 고대 남월(南越; 베트남) 지역의 오양선 설화에 있음을 확인하였다. 즉, 다섯 신선이 오색의 양을 타고 오양성(五羊城; 현재의 중국 광주(廣州))에 내려와 여섯 개의 벼이삭(六穗?)을 하사하였다는 설화이다. 나아가 후대에 쓰여진 베트남의 구전설화 <월정전(越井傳)>, 중국의 전기(傳奇) 작품인 <최위(崔?)>가 이 원(原)서사에서 비롯되었음을 확인하였다. 반면 우리나라 <오양선>의 창사에 나타난 배경서사는 원서사에 서왕모와 천도 모티프를 추가하여 군왕의 축수(祝壽)와 덕치, 나라의 태평성대를 축원하는 의례적 모티프를 강화하였다. 본고에서는 3국 내 오양선 서사의 이러한 공통성에 주목하여 그를 소재로 한 각국 전통춤의 전승 현황을 추적한 바 중국의 경우 최근 우리나라 <오양선>을 참고하여 <오양선무>를 재창작한 반면 베트남의 경우 전승이 부재하였다. 그에 따라 전통문화콘텐츠 구축 프로젝트의 추진을 위해 베트남 공연단을 섭외하여 <월정전> 설화를 소재로 한 <치유의 쑥잎>이란 곡목을 창작케 하였다. 그 결과 오양선 설화를 소재로 한 3국의 춤을 한 무대에서 합연함으로써 아시아 악무의 공통적 서사 기반에 기초한 새로운 전통문화콘텐츠 구축의 시론적 방향성을 제시하고 나아가 춤을 통한 아시아 문화공동체 구축의 가능성을 모색하였다.