• American Studies
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.25-56
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• 2020

The essay examines two contemporary American plays that portray adult Korean American adoptees' return to South Korea: How to Be a Korean Woman (2012) by Sunmee Chomet and Middle Brother (2014) by Eric Sharp. While the existing scholarship on transnational adoption has discussed homecoming as a predominantly female experience of birth mothers and daughters, Chomet and Sharp suggest the differing ways in which the adoptee subjectivity is re-imagined in particularly gendered ways after homecoming. In these plays, adult adoptees' repeated, mundane bodily performances of Korean cultural norms illustrate how notions of femininity and masculinity are inscribed onto the body of adoptee individuals under the patriarchal system. Such performative construction of Korean-ness departs from the earlier theatrical representations of young, adolescent adoptees' homecoming that served as a symbolic rite of passage, a necessary process through which they would gain cultural hybridity and mature into cosmopolitan American-ness.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.81-90
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• 2020

This study examines the pattern of changes in the funeral rites·ancestral memorial rites as stipulated in the current family rites Act and seeks to study the presentation of problems and securing effectiveness. Acts and subordinate statutes such as "Act on family rite establishment and related assistance" were enacted with the aim of rationalizing the ritual procedures of funeral rites related to the ancestral memorial rites and supporting and coordinating projects and activities for the dissemination and settlement of sound family rites to eliminate the ostentation and create a sound social atmosphere. In order to realize the true meaning of family rites the "General standards for sound family rites" were set to be solemn and simple in the process of family rites, and the government officials, employees of public institutions, organizations, and social leaders were required to take the initiative and follow the example. However, looking at the changes since the family rites Act 1969, there are regulations on gender discrimination that undermine the realization of gender equality, and the progress of education for the spread and settlement of the family rites Act has been limited in effectiveness due th lack of punishment provisions for educational institutions of all levels, In particular, even in the "Process to train funeral director" which is operated under the national qualification system, there is a lack of education on family rituals. Therefore, through this study, we intend to provide a basis for practice and developmental discussions consistent with the objectives of the establishment of laws and systems.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.247-253
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effects of a visual flow speed's modulation-based VR(virtual reality) program on gait function in stroke patients. Thirty one stroke patients were randomly selected at Dep. of Rehabilitation medicine of M hospital in Seoul. We carried out the gait analysis by dividing them with four conditions : one condition had applied without the visual flow modulation-based VR and another had done three visual flow speed's modulation-based VR(0.25, 1, 2 times). The gait analysis was used with GaitRite system. The data were collected using gait velocity, cadence, stride length, step length, single support time, and double support time during treatment. The results were as follows. First, the slow visual flow(0.25 times)-based VR program on the condition was significant decrease gait velocity, cadence, stride length, step length and increase single support time, double support time(p<.05). Second, the fast visual flow(2 times)-based VR program on the condition was significant increase gait velocity, cadence, stride length, step length, single support time on paretic lower limb and decrease single support time on non-paretic lower limb, double support time(p<.05). Third, the normal visual flow(1 times)-based VR program on the condition was not significant differ gait velocity, cadence, stride length, step length, single support time, double support time. In conclusion, the visual flow speed's modulation-based VR program improves gait function in chronic stroke patients.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.327-331
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• 1996

This experiment was conducted to establish the efficient extraction condition for anthocyanin and tannin pigments contained in rice bran of colored rices. Efficiency of the pigment extraction was maximum when the concentration of mired solvent of methanol(3) : ethanol(7) was 70%. In purple rite(anthocyanin pigment), ‘Kilimheugmi’, 80% ethanol containing 0.5% malic acid showed the highest extraction efficiency and stability with a maximum absorbance wavelength$(\lambda_{max})$ at 538 nm. In red rice(tannin pigment), ‘Jagwangdo’, 80% ethanol containing 0.01% citric acid showed the highest extraction efficiency and stability with a maximum absorbance wavelength$(\lambda_{max})$ at 456 nm. The relative optical density of the pigments increased until the solvent temperature was reached at $70^{\circ}C$, but drastically decreased over at $90^{\circ}C$ due to color change. The higher amount of the pigment was ertracted from the longer shaking time of the solvent. Ten minutes was enough for the grinding time of rite bran in solvent. Supernatant of the pigment extractives after one day storage at $4^{\circ}C$ in dark chamber revealed higher optical density than the filtration of the pigment extractives.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.86-101
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• 2016

La situation de la $r{\acute{e}}gion$ rurale et maritime de la province de Jeollanam-do en $Cor{\acute{e}}e$ du sud se $caract{\acute{e}}rise$ par une relative $p{\acute{e}}nurie$ de population. Le projet 'Ces ${\hat{I}}les$ que l'on aime visiter', $g{\acute{e}}r{\acute{e}}$ par la province de Jeollanam-do, s'articule autour de villages insulaires lieux de bien- ${\hat{e}}tre$ pour viser une augmentation de la population. Il s'agit de $d{\acute{e}}velopper$ le tourisme durable en s'appuyant sur la $beaut{\acute{e}}$ des paysages naturels, l'histoire, la culture et les traditions de cette $r{\acute{e}}gion$ insulaire. Pour cela, la participation active des habitants est essentielle. Cette ${\acute{e}}tude$ a pour but de $r{\acute{e}}fl{\acute{e}}chir$ aux moyens de $d{\acute{e}}velopper$ la participation des habitants en se fondant sur une $enqu{\hat{e}}te$ $men{\acute{e}}e$ dans la campagne. Nous avons mutuellement $analys{\acute{e}}$ entre les moyens de la participation des habitants et l'apanage $d{\acute{e}}mographique$ ${\grave{a}}$ cause de leurs $r{\acute{e}}sultats$ $diff{\acute{e}}rentes$. Voici les moyens de la participation des habitants $fond{\acute{e}}s$ sur la $caract{\acute{e}}ristique$ communautaire: $l^{\prime}activit{\acute{e}}$ $r{\acute{e}}mun{\acute{e}}ratrice$ communautaire; $l^{\prime}am{\acute{e}}lioration$ de l'habitat; les loisirs dans la $r{\acute{e}}gion$. Nous proposons plusieurs exemples pour $d{\acute{e}}velopper$ des programmes $fond{\acute{e}}s$ sur la participation des habitants de $l^{\prime}{\hat{i}}le$ de Nangdo, d'un rite communautaire maritime et des programmes ${\acute{e}}ducationnels$ d'explication touristique.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.7-50
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• 2014

This study focuses on the funeral rites for Queen Wongyeong during the early Joseon period as part of a review of the changes in the state funeral system and ceremonial procedures. Conducted by the king in his role as chief mourner, the state funeral for King Taejong's wife Queen Wongyeong that emerged during the 2nd year of King Sejong marked the first example recorded in the sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) of the three year-mourning rite being applied. In terms of the clothing for the state funeral, the significance of Jolgok (a rite conducted on the 100th day following the day of death) was emphasized, while the existing yeokwolje (period of wearing mourning clothes, one month was equated with one day) was abandoned. The existing temporary office system for state funerals was reorganized into a three-office system consisting of the Binjeon dogam (Office for Chapel of Rest), Gukjang dogam (Office for Funeral Rites), and Salleung dogam (Office for the Establishment of Royal Tombs). Buddhism-related rites greatly decreased and were increasingly regulated. The ceremonial procedures were also modified in accordance with the rites directly conducted by the king during the three-year mourning period. The basic pattern of the ceremonial procedure consisted of kneeling / wailing - salute - kneeling/ wailing, and, based on the wuje (rites to console the deceased), was divided into 'make offerings to the deceased' (奠, jeon) and 'hold a memorial service for the deceased' (祭, je). This reflected the differing perceptions of jeon (奠) and je (祭) following the establishment of auspicious rites (gillye) during the reign of King Taejong. In short, the state funeral for Queen Wongyeong provides materials with which to analyze the establishment of the funeral rites and ceremonial procedures designed based on the actual three-year mourning period observed by the king, study the ritual ceremonies conducted during the ancient period, as well as foster an understanding of ancient systems.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.35
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• pp.284-303
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• 2002

The purpose of this research paper is to examine, from an ethnological viewpoint, the traditional practice of using sacrificial game and domestic livestock as is often seen at communal rites in Korea. This paper also examine how the more convenient use of livestock sacrifice developed from that in which wild game were once offered, and how this change in the type of animals used affected the significance of the sacrifice. It also looks at how the use of animal sacrifice for ceremonies eventually influenced the practice of meat consumption on the part of the participants in their daily life, and how it contributed to the eventual establishment and development of livestock breeding for the purpose of meat consumption. The practice of catching wild game in the mountains for sacrificial purposes eventually gave way to the use of pasturage cattle, but it should be understood that these domesticated livestock were raised primarily for ceremonial rather than meat consumption purpose. When used for sacrifice, these cattle were not castrated, as is normally done when they are slaughtered for meat consumption, but it should not be assumed that this was done for purposes of simplification. In addition, not only rice farmers but also when enterpreneurs set up a new enterprise, animal sacrifice was viewed not only as a form of on-site purification of evil, but also served the dual purpose of enhancing their business through the traditional custom of serving meat to those invited guests in attendance. In the large-scale village communal rite of Hwaghae Province located in the northwestern part of Korea, animal sacrifice was carried out in the ritual for the Mountain God in a highly dramatic style, and suggests that it originated with the agrarian rites of the "fire-field" farmers of East Asia, which were utilized to foretell whether the coming year would be one of abundance or famine, and to the royal ceremony held on the 3rd day of the 3rd month of the lunar calendar, as well as that held for the God of the Mountains and Streams. The dramatic-style hunting rite, included in the large-scale communal ritual of Hwanghae Province mentioned previously, as well as in the Ritual of the Cow from Pyungsan, also located in Hwanghae Province, in which wild game were used as sacrifice, is significant in that it points up the changes that have occurred in ceremonial animal sacrifice. However, more research on ritualistic animal sacrifice is still called for in rites for good farming, fishing, and the variety of others that are held throughout Korea.