• Korean Security Journal
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• no.57
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• pp.231-252
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• 2018

we have long used foreign words in using the term for guard security despite the obvious existence of own language, the use of foreign terms is strong in foreign feeling in delivery. and also weakens the true meaning of security. there are no terms expressed independently in korean, and we(they) are negligent in finding them and use the terms of foreign language. as a result, we(they) brought about a lack of choice in terms of proper security for our langage. currenty, it is widely used as a security guard even though there is an appropraite word that corresponds to the meaning and meaning of security guards in our words, we still use enlish expressions. there is because the English language is used for convenience regardless of weather the term is appropraite or not, and as the power of the English language is great amid in the trend of globalization. lt is easy to use english without thinking in terms of the use of terminology. ultimitely, however, this is due to the lack of awareness of the korean language. with these reasons, we must find the term of security guards in pure korean language. until now, we have used the terms 'guard, security, protect' as the terms security and protection the term 'Jikim' refers to the korean language as a means to be vigilant and guarded. Jikim refers to the action of maintaining the current safe state. Like school jikimi, children safety jikimi and environment jikimi, Jikim is already being used in many places. Therefore, the term 'guard' should be changed to an appropriate Korean term, and the term 'Jikim' is considered to be the most appropriate term in various sections. so, 'Jikim' will be appropriate in korean, which corresponds to the meaning of security guards. the guardian here is called the Jikimi. Jikimi is a combination of the word Jikim and the korean pronounce 'I' which means people

• Food Science and Preservation
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.858-865
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• 2012

In this research, the soaking and steaming conditions of Korean wheat meju according to the degree of milling were investigated, and the quality characteristic was analyzed, for the manufacture of the standardized Korean wheat meju. As a result of the changes in weight, volume, moisture content, and moisture absorption amount, which indicate the physical properties of Korean wheat meju using 20% polished wheat, 50% polished wheat, whole wheat, and whole wheat flour, most of the wheat materials reached the equilibrium state after 4 hours of soaking. Also, the appropriate steaming time to complete the cooking of the wheat materials was found to be 10 min at $100^{\circ}C$, except for whole wheat. The 20 and 50% polished wheat materials were selected for Korean wheat meju based on the soaking and steaming results. The selected wheat materials were fermented using Aspergillus oryzae and Bacillus subtilis M1, respectively, and the quality properties and enzyme activities showed that A. oryzae would be effective for the manufacture of Korean wheat meju. Also, the 50% polished wheat showed higher total sugar content, reducing sugar content, and ${\alpha}$-amylase activity than the 20% polished wheat. Therefore, it is supposed that the fermentation of 50% polished wheat by A. oryzae would be appropriate for manufacturing superior Korean wheat meju.

• Journal of the Microelectronics and Packaging Society
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.33-38
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• 2021

Recently, rollable and foldable displays are attracting great attention in the flexible display market due to their excellent form factor. To predict and prevent the mechanical failure of the display panels, it is essential to accurately understand the mechanical properties of brittle SiN_x thin films, which have been used as an insulating film in flexible displays. In this study, tensile properties of the ~130 nm- and ~320 nm-thick SiN_x thin films were successfully measured by coating a ~190 nm-thick organic nano-support-layer (PMMA, PS, P3HT) on the fragile SiN_x thin films and stretching the films as a bilayer state. Young's modulus values of the ~130 nm and ~320 nm SiN_x thin films fabricated through the controlled chamber pressure and deposition power (A: 1250 mTorr, 450 W/B: 1000 mTorr, 600 W/C: 750 mTorr, 700 W) were calculated as A: 76.6±3.5, B: 85.8±4.6, C: 117.4±6.5 GPa and A: 100.1±12.9, B: 117.9±9.7, C: 159.6 GPa, respectively. As a result, Young's modulus of ~320 nm SiN_x thin films fabricated through the same deposition condition increased compared to the ~130 nm SiN_x thin films. The tensile testing method using the organic nano-support-layer was effective in the precise measurement of the mechanical properties of the brittle thin films. The method developed in this study can contribute to the robust design of the rollable and foldable displays by enabling quantitative measurement of mechanical properties of fragile thin films for flexible displays.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.67-106
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• 2017

This study focuses on two specific history of Korean literature in Chinese: the outline of The History of Joseon Literature (2010) by Li Yan and The History of Joseon Literature (1988, 2008) by Wei Xu-sheng; it was conducted to compare narrative viewpoints to the history of South and North Korean literature and therefore identify distinguishable characteristics. As a result, the following was concluded. First, The History of Korean Literature by Cho Dong-il and The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes) include thorough discussions on division of historical eras, concept of genres as well as individual literary works and applied such discussions on writing literary history. However, Wei Xu-sheng and Li Yan's The History of Korean Literature did not illuminate theoretical discussion of South and North Korea. Li Yan's outline of The History of Joseon Literature was published in 2010 and the first edition of Wei Xu-sheng's The History of Joseon Literature was published in 1986 and later was published as revised editions in 2000 and 2008. Regarding published dates, it is a matter of course to reference Cho Dong-il's The History of Korean Literature, published in the 1980s, or The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes), published in the 1990s; nevertheless, neither Wei Xu-sheng nor Li Yan used those texts in their works. Their works were heavily influenced by the narrative tradition of the history of national literature and therefore, entailed unsophisticated discussion on the division of historical eras or the concept of genres. Second, those two texts also emphasized external factors such as politics, society, economy and culture and explicitly mention these factors in historical overview of each chapter. Such an approach is commonly used in narratives of literary history under socialist regimes, including The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes). Accordingly, evaluations based on 'political standards' - stress of people, nationality, practicality and so forth - in main texts are particularly accentuated, akin to narratives of literary history under socialist regimes. Finally, since those two Korean literature history works are written by Chinese scholars, they focus on correlation between Chinese literature history and Korean literature history. However, several genre-related terminologies such as Xiaopin (a kind of essay), Yuefu (a kind of popular song/poem), Yuyan (fable), Shuochang (telling of popular stories with the interspersal songs), Shizhuan (biography or/and memoirs in history) were adopted directly from Chinese literature. In analyzing Korean literature using terminologies introduced from Chinese literature, differences between original and alternative definitions were not examined in detail. While some terminologies and concepts were adopted directly without further consideration as to state of the two nations, it is also interesting to note that dichotomy, mainly used in Korean literature history, was used to discuss the genre of Cheonki (romance tale), relevant to Suyichon and Keumosinhua, rather than follow traditions of Chinese literature history.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.277-312
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• 2018

First-order cybernetics during the 1940s and 1950s aimed for control of an observed system, while second-order cybernetics during the mid-1970s aspired to address the mechanism of an observing system. The former pursues an objective, subjectless, approach to a system, whereas the latter prefers a subjective, personal approach to a system. Second-order observation must be noted since a human observer is a living system that has its unique cognition. Maturana and Varela place the autopoiesis of this biological system at the core of second-order cybernetics. They contend that an autpoietic system maintains, transforms and produces itself. Technoscientific recreation of biological autopoiesis opens up to a new step in cybernetics: what I describe as third-order cybernetics. The formation of technoscientific autopoiesis overlaps with the Fourth Industrial Revolution or what Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee call the Second Machine Age. It leads to a radical shift from human centrism to posthumanity whereby humanity is mechanized, and machinery is biologized. In two versions of the novel Demon Seed, American novelist Dean Koontz explores the significance of technoscientific autopoiesis. The 1973 version dramatizes two kinds of observers: the technophobic human observer and the technology-friendly machine observer Proteus. As the story concludes, the former dominates the latter with the result that an anthropocentric position still works. The 1997 version, however, reveals the victory of the techno-friendly narrator Proteus over the anthropocentric narrator. Losing his narrational position, the technophobic human narrator of the story disappears. In the 1997 version, Proteus becomes the subject of desire in luring divorcee Susan. He longs to flaunt his male egomaniac. His achievement of male identity is a sign of technological autopoiesis characteristic of third-order cybernetics. To display self-producing capabilities integral to the autonomy of machinery, Koontz's novel demonstrates that Proteus manipulates Susan's egg to produce a human-machine mixture. Koontz's demon child, problematically enough, implicates the future of eugenics in an era of technological autopoiesis. Proteus creates a crossbreed of humanity and machinery to engineer a perfect body and mind. He fixes incurable or intractable diseases through genetic modifications. Proteus transfers a vast amount of digital information to his offspring's brain, which enables the demon child to achieve state-of-the-art intelligence. His technological editing of human genes and consciousness leads to digital standardization through unanimous spread of the best qualities of humanity. He gathers distinguished human genes and mental status much like collecting luxury brands. Accordingly, Proteus's child-making project ultimately moves towards technologically-controlled eugenics. Pointedly, it disturbs the classical ideal of liberal humanism celebrating a human being as the master of his or her nature.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.77-114
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• 2009

The right to know is not satisfied merely by making or improving laws or systems. The right to know is a matter of culture rather than system. Nevertheless, consistent system improvement measures are required. There are many laws relating to the right to know. In particular, at the core are the Official Information Disclosure Act, the Record and Archives Management Act, and the Presidential Record Management Act. The fact that systems relating to official record management and presidential record management are related to the right to know is understood by the promotion of records and archives management reform after the year 2004, as a result of which the national archives management innovation road map was established. Reflecting the many opinions of the "Information Disclosure System Improvement Task Force" composed with participation of the government and the press after the participatory government's announcement of "Measures to Advance the Support System for News Coverage," amendments to the Information Disclosure Act have come forward with system improvement measures in connection with issues that had arisen until then. Such improvement measures have not resulted in actual improvements. This thesis proposes several system improvement measures, focusing on those that have arisen until now but have not been reflected in discussion, such as converting the concept of information non-disclosure into disclosure postponement, preparing and disclosing particular information disclosure standards, specifying personal information for non-disclosure, specifying and strictly applying any information that has not been disclosed for purposes of internal review, deleting non-disclosure items in stenographic records that do not have a reason to exist, and establishing limits and terms of non-disclosure. Of the most remarkable system improvement measures that have been made until now is our recognition that the right to know is not limited to the information disclosure system but that the "cause" of archive management should be systematic and scientific. In other words, the right to know is understood to establish not just accidential factors, such as with a whistle-blower, but the inevitable factors of systemization of production, distribution, preservation, and use of archives. Much more study should be pursued regarding disclosure of archives information. In particular, difficult issues to be resolved regarding reading records at permanent archives management institutions, such as the National Archives of Korea, or copyrights that arise in the process, require constant study from academia and relevant institutions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.198-221
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• 2017

The Jjoksaem site is the eastern sector of Daereungwon Ancient Tomb Complex, Gyeongju(the 512th Historic site) called Wolseong North Burial Ground in academic community. The excavation and research of this site was conducted from 2007 to 2015, with the purpose of basic data offering for the restoration of Silla tumuli and development of ancient tomb park. As a result of the investigation, more than 700 new tombs were discovered except the 155 tumuli founded in the Japanese colonial era. Moreover, more than 70 percent of the smaller tombs, such as outer coffin tombs, were discovered here. There are four characteristics of outer coffin tombs in Jjoksaem site. First, it is recognized the Gyeongju-styled outer coffin tombs have a long rectangular shape, distinct from Gimhae-styled outer coffin tombs in a rectangular shape. Second, they are divided into three groups by the size of the grave area. This is indirectly related to the rank and the status of the buried person. Third, these tombs began to be constructed at the end of the 3rd century before the time of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. They were ruined because of the new tombs constructed at the period of Maripgan. This reflects that the identity of the former tombs was not respected by the communities in the later generations. Outer coffin tombs were consistently made to the end of the era of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. Lastly, the area of burial ground of outer coffin tombs is limited by wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and wooden mounds. Otherwise, the location of the burial ground for the deceased is limited by the status of the deceased. The idea that wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound are located on the above ground turns out to be incorrect. In Jjoksaem site, there is little difference between the height of the circular burial protection stone and the height of the digging lines of the other tombs. In the case of No.44 tumulus, the lowest step of the circular burial protection stones is lower than those of the other tombs and tumuli. Research of outer coffin tombs at Jjoksaem site will be to suggest important academic data about the changing period from Saroguk, as the head of chiefdom union, to Silla, as state.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.217-244
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• 2018

As Chinese insurance market grows rapidly due to market reforms, China got recognition as second-largest insurance market in the world in 2016. However Korean insurance companies have had difficulties to grow in Chinese insurance market despite Chinese participation in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the growth of chinese insurance market. The reason for the decline in Korean insurance companies is economic retaliation due to the deployment of THAAD in Korea. However, this is not a fundamental reason. The underlying cause of the effects of economic retaliation is the result of insufficient negotiations in Korea-China FTA services sector. In Service sector of Korea-China FTA, the level of concession between Korea and China differs greatly, when comparing China and South Korea's FTA. In addition, it has only been a few years since China collected the position of the WTO Doha Agenda, which currently deals with concessions on intellectual property rights and services. More important is that the Korea-China FTA service sector, as it stopped short of being protected by the most-favored-nation state treatment level when Korean insurance companies entered China. Further negotiations to supplement the weak points in the Korea-China FTA service sector were promised in December 2017, but international tensions over THAAD deployment made it impossible to hold such negotiations. However, due to changes in international affairs in 2018, the first additional negotiation was decided and held. This paper implicates strategies of further negotiation between Korea and China for service and investment chapter. Consequently, the aim of this paper suggests directions how to re-enter Chinese insurance market to Korean insurance companies.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.580-589
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• 2018

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to evaluate the food insecurity status and dietary behavior and examine the association between the food insecurity status and consumption of processed beverage for secondary school students in Vientiane, capital city of Lao PDR. Methods: The study subjects are 714 students (boys = 307 and girls = 407) in four secondary schools (Chao_Anouvong, Phiavat, Saysetha, and Chansavang) of Vientiane, Lao PDR. Data on study subject's demographic characteristics, dietary behavior, food insecurity, and Mini Dietary Assessment (MDA) index were collected. A "Self-Administered Food Security Survey Module for Children Aged 12 Years and Older" developed by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) was used for the food insecurity assessment. Results: As a result, 72.7% of the subjects were in a state of food insecurity, and food security was associated with higher socioeconomic status (higher life satisfaction, higher parent's education attainment, higher item ownership, fewer number of siblings, and having more lunches at the school restaurant than at home). Compared to the food insecurity group, the frequency of breakfast, self-rated diet, and the total score of MDA index were higher in the food security group. On the other hand, multiple logistic regression analysis showed that 'food security' was also associated with a higher consumption of processed beverages (OR 1.544; 95% CI 1.078-2.213; p = 0.018). Conclusion: Improving the quality of the diet is essential for adolescents in both the food insecurity and food security groups in Lao PDR. Therefore, it is necessary to provide well organized nutrition education and establish adequate nutrition policy for adolescents in Lao PDR.