• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2017

This thesis aims to research the original landscape of an area in Chirwon by comparing and interpreting the current and the former landscape of the time around 1860, in which was created. Inside the painting, MuGi-YeonDang(舞沂蓮塘), its nearby garden facilities and landscape are described. The conclusions of the research are as follows. Around the inner garden(內園) called Gukdam(菊潭), core spaces of Mugi-YeonDang were Hahwanjeong(何換亭) and Pungyongnu(風浴樓). After 1971, Chunghyosa(忠孝祠), Yeongjeonggak(影幀閣) which was built as inheritance of Giyangseowon (沂陽書院), and other buildings were added. On the opposite of Hahwanjeong, there is a designed pond inside Gukdam, in which three pieces of bizarre stones and colorful flower plants and trees reside. In the middle of the pond, there is an center island(中島), constructed with Bonghwangseok(鳳凰石) and Napduseok(衲頭石). Two different kinds of trees are settled on top of the stones, and one of them is identified as a maple. In the external scenery(外境), Jakdaesan Mountain and Cheonjusan Mountain are located at the upper part of Mugi-Yeondang, and Bibo Forest(裨補林), which does not exist anymore, was located at the lower part of it. A notable achievement in own research was to discover the Ju family's graveyard(朱氏墓群) consisted of more than 10 murals at the lower part of Mt. Jakdaesan in the outer space and the remains of 'Byeoreop(別業) Yuhoejeong(有懷亭)' at the nearby Sanjeong-ri(山亭里) area, which was the Ju family's gravesite(Seonsan, 先山). The discovered remains showed the presence of a square pond(方塘) and an island in the center of it(中島) in the form of Seokgasan(an artificial mountain made with stones), a stone monument called Mangchudae(望楸臺), etc. The Seokgasan was consisted of processed natural stones, and layers of the stones were piled up for it. On the side of the layered stones, 'Gyeongam(敬嵒)' and 'Sesim(洗心)' are engraved. Especially, Gyeongja(letter Gyeong, 敬字) is a copy of the Gyeongja Rock(敬字岩) of Sosu-Seowon(紹修書院), which is a symbolic garden language mutually used in the signboards of Pungyongnu and Musansa(武山祠), a place built to enshrine Ju, Sebung(周世鵬). Through the written names of the building found in , it can be assumed that the name of the square pond with Seokgasan was Taehwaji or Jeongwudang, and the name of the Seokgasan was Sogeumgang(小金剛) or Sobangjang(小方丈). The names correspond to the names of the Seokgasan of Gukdam, which was Yangsimdae(養心臺) and Bongnaesan(蓬萊山). By means of the corresponding names, it can be inferred that the relations between the spaces were intended. was originally created as 'a manor painting(莊園圖)', led by the 15th generation of the Ju family who moved into Chirwon-ri, Haman. The painting describes not only the back garden but also the external scenery, thus it provides important evidences for understanding Mugi-YeonDang and its nearby landscape, and is helpful to its maintenance and restoration.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.76-93
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• 2017

This thesis recapitulates the current status of Nujeongs(樓亭) by the Han River(漢江) from the late Joseon dynasty, and to contemplate the possible options regarding their restoration. The book Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi(沿江亭?記) written by Eom Gyeong-su(嚴慶遂) in 1716 was selected as an object of study. After Hanyang was selected to be the capital of Joseon, Han River was considered to be the greatest venue to visit to take some time off and enjoy the view. The nobleman of the Joseon dynasty built Nujeongs around the riverside and enjoyed boating inthe current status of Nujeongs(樓亭) Han River. Eom Gyeong-su, after traveling on a boat to personally collect information, combined such information with preexisting information to create a well-organized and thorough list of the 29 Nujeongs built by the riverbank, which can be found in his book Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi. It is probable that a closer look into Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi will reveal more information regarding the general atmosphere of the era, which focused on the history and culture of Han River, and will also enable a more thorough research involving the Han River Nujeongs. The Nujeongs listed in Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi were analyzed in this paper. Based on the explanations found in Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi, the locations of the 29 Nujeongs were checked and reconfirmed, and the origins and the meanings behind their names were analyzed. In addition, the history of the Nujeongs were recapitulated with information gained from the basis of the fact that Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi was written in 1716, The origin of each Nujeongs were revisited, and the history of their change and demise were analyzed. Lastly, the sceneries around each Nujeongs were analyzed based on the poetries that were written and read in the respective Nujeongs, and the general taste for the arts in the era was analyzed. Some Nujeongs remain in the form of paintings, enabling us to take a closer look at the institutions and other aspects of the era. The analysis of Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi by this paper has revealed the location of some Han River Nujeongs that were unknown previously. Also, the revelation of some history regarding certain Nujeongs that were unknown previously has created an opportunity for the reinterpretation of the spaces surrounding Han River, and also the opportunity for a new story. Han River has lost most of its old self due to repeated exploitation. However, there are some areas where traces of the original form remains and that may be restored, and some areas may be relocated and restored based on existing paintings. Yeon-gang-jeong-sa-gi in particular may provide us with numerous possible options to reinvigorate and restructure the riverside with a more modern interpretation, especially in relation to the Han River cruise ship, as it is a book written after traveling Han River on a boat.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.32-45
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• 2014

The study attempts to interpret original location and landscape composition of Yowol-pavilion Garden under the premise that tablet and poetry are important criteria for inference of unique location and landscape composition of a pavilion garden. The study raises the meaning, status, and value of Yowol Pavilion Garden as a cultural asset. The results of the study are as follows. First, Yowol-pavilion Garden was a place where famous Confucius scholars in Joseon Dynasty in 16th Century, including Kim, Kyung-Woo, the owner of the garden, used to share the taste for the arts and poetries with their colleagues. Along with a main characteristic of Yowol Pavilion Garden as a hideout for the Confucius scholars who stayed away from a political turmoil, the new place characteristic of the garden, a bridgehead for the formation of regional identity, was discovered in the record of "Joseon-Hwanyeo-Seungram Honam-Eupji JangSeong-Eupji", As described in "The first creative poetry of Yowol-pavilion", the intention for the creation of Yowol-pavilion Garden and the motive for its landscape composition is interpreted as a space of rivalry where the world, reality and ideals are mixed up. Second, related to outstanding scenic factors and natural phenomena when taking a view from the pavilion, the name of the house 'Yowol', which means 'Greeting the moon rising on the Mt. Wolbong' is the provision of nature and taste for the arts, and is directly connected to the image of leaving the worldly. In other words, the name was identified to be the one that reflected the intention for landscape composition to follow the provision of nature separating from joy and sorrow of the mundane world. Third, as for the location, it was confirmed through "YeongGwang-Soksu-Yeoji-Seungram" that Yowol-pavilion Garden was a place where the person who made the pavilion prepared for relaxation after stepping down from a government post, and literature and various poetry show that it was also a place of outstanding scenic where Yellow-dragon River meandered facing Mt. Wolbong. Especially, according to an interview with a keeper, the visual perception frequency of the nightscape of Yowol-pavilion Garden is the highest when viewing by considering the east, the direction of Yellow-dragon River, as Suksigak[normal angle's view], towards Yowel-pavilion from the keeper's house. In addition, he said that the most beautiful landscape with high perception strength is when the moon came up from the left side of Yowol-pavilion, cuts across the Lagerstroemia india heal in front of Yowol-pavilion, and crosses the meridian between Mt. Wolbong peaks facing Yowol-pavilion. Currently, the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden is $SE\;141.2^{\circ}$, which is almost facing southeast. It is assumed that the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden was determined considering the optimized direction for appreciating the trace of the moon and the intention of securing the visibility as well as topographic conditions. Furthermore, it is presumed that the exposure of Yowol-pavilion Garden was determined so that the moon is reflected on the water of Yellow-dragon River and the moon and its reflection form a symmetry. Fourth, currently, Yowol-pavilion Garden is divided into 'inner garden sphere' composed of Yowol-pavilion, meeting place of the clan and administration building, and 'outer garden sphere' which is inclusive of entrance space, Crape Myrtle Community Garden and Pine Tree Forest in the back. Further, Yowol-pavilion Garden has been deteriorated as the edge was expanded to 'Small lake[Yong-so] and Gardens of aquatic plants sphere' and recently-created 'Yellow-dragon Pavilion and park sphere'. Fifth, at the time it was first made, Yowol-pavilion Garden was borderless gardens consisting of mountains and water taking a method of occupying a specific space of nearby nature centering around pavilion by embracing landscape viewed from the pavilion, but interpreted current complex landscapes are identified to be entirely different from landscapes of the original due to 'Different Changes', 'Fragmentation' and 'Apart piece' in many parts. Lastly, considering that Yowol-pavilion Garden belongs to the Cultural Properties Protection Zone, though not the restoration to the landscapes of the original described in tablet and literature record, at least taking a measure from the aspect of land use for minimizing adverse effect on landscape and visual damage is required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.138-153
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to analyze , which was made in the late Joseon Dynasty to specify the vegetation landscape of the Donhwamun Gate area in Changdeokgung Palace. The study results can be summarized as below. First, based on "Jieziyuan Huazhuan(芥子園畵傳)", the introductory book of tree expression delivered from China in the 17th century, allowed the classification criteria of the trees described in the picture to be established and helped identify their types. As a result of the classification, there were 10 species and 50 trees in the Donhwamun Gate area of . Second, it was possible to measure the real size of the trees described in the picture through the elevated drawing scale of . The height of the trees ranged from a minimum of 4.37 m to a maximum of 22.37 m. According to the measurement results, compared to the old trees currently living in Changdeokgung Palace, the trees described in the picture were found to be produced in almost actual size without exaggeration. Thus, the measured height of the trees turned out to be appropriate as baseline data for reproduction of the vegetation landscape. Third, through the Rubber Sheeting Transformation of , it was possible to make a ground plan for the planting of on the current digital topographic map. In particular, as the transformed area of was departmentalized and control points were added, the precision of transformation improved. It was possible to grasp the changed position of planting as well as the change in planting density through a ground plan of planting of . Lastly, it was possible to produce a three-dimensional vegetation landscape model by using the information of the shape of the trees and the ground plan for the planting of . Based on the three-dimensional model, it was easy to examine the characteristics of the three-dimensional view of the current vegetation via the view axis, skyline, and openness to and cover from the adjacent regions at the level of the eyes. This study is differentiated from others in that it verified the realism of and suggested the possibility of ascertaining the original form of the vegetation landscape described in the painting.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.94-104
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• 2018

This study examined photogrammetric reconstruction techniques that can measure the original form of a cultural property utilizing photographs taken in the past. During the research process, photographs taken in the past as well as photograph on the internet of Soswaewon Garden in Damyang(scenic site 40) were collected and utilized. The landscaping structures of Maedae, Aiyangdan, Ogokmun Wall, and Yakjak and natural scenery Gwangseok, of which photographs can be taken from any 360 degree direction from a close distance or a far distance without any barriers in the way, were selected and tested for the possibility of reproducing three-dimensional shapes. The photography method of 151 landscape photographs (58.6%) from internet portal sites for the aforementioned five landscape subjects containing information on the date the photograph was taken, focal length, and exposure were analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was revealed that the majority of the photographs tend to focus on important parts of each subject. In addition, we discovered that there are two or three photography methods that internet users preferred in regards to each landscape subject. For the purposes of the experiment, photographs in which a single scene consistently appears for each landscape subject and it was determined that there was a high level of preference related to the photography method were analyzed, and three-dimensional mesh shape model was produced with a photoscan program to analyze the reproducibility of three-dimensional shapes. Based on the results of the reproduction, it was relatively possible to reproduce three-dimensional shapes for artifacts such as Ogukmun wall, Maedae, and Aeyangdan, but it was impossible to reproduce three-dimensional images for natural scenery or an object that has similar texture such as Yakjak and Gwangseok. As a result of experimentation related to the reconstruction of three-dimensional shapes with the photographs taken on site using a photography method similar to that of the photographs selected as previously mentioned, there was success related to reproducing the three-dimensional shapes of Yakjak and Gwangseok, of which it was not possible to do so through the photographs that had been collected previously. In addition, through comparison of past and present images, it was possible to measure the exact sizes as well as discover any changes that have taken place. If past photographs taken by tourists or landscape architects of cultural properties can be obtained, the three-dimensional shapes from a particular period of time can be reproduced. If this technology becomes widespread, it will increase the level of accuracy and reliability in regards to measuring the past shapes of cultural landscape properties and examining any changes to the properties.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.253-289
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• 2012

Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.