• Iberoamérica
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.89-97
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• 2016

Purpose - In the major global markets, such as US and China, consumer ethnocentrism has been strengtened and there is a growing need for related study. This research aims to investigate the effects of national pride and national attachment on consumer ethnocentrism, using a nationally representative dataset from 2013 Korean General Social Survey. Based on the reviews of literature in social and political sciences, two dimensions of national pride were considered: national society pride which is based on positive evaluations on the nation's democracy condition or social security system, and national achievement pride which is based on positive evaluations regarding the country's achievements in the areas of technology, art, sports, and so on. Research design, data, and methodology - The authors developed a structural model in which two types of national pride, national society and achievement pride, are proposed to affect national attachment, thus influencing consumer ethnocentrism. 1,294 surveys were used for empirical analysis. The hypotheses were tested by utilizing SPSS 22.0 and AMOS 21.0. The unidimensionality of each construct and the nomological validity were supported from the results of factor analyses and correlation analysis. Results - It was found that both national society pride and national achievement pride have significant and positive effects on national attachment. Consumers who show stronger pride on the social systems or the global achievements of Korea are more likely to remain being a citizen of the country and support the country even in wrong. Also, there was a significant and positive relationship between national attachment and consumer ethnocentrism. Korean consumers who have stronger attachment to Korea tend to express higher ethnocentrism to protect Korean labor market and to promote economic development of the country. Conclusions - The findings of this study showed that companies and government need to emphasize the country's advanced social environments or global competitiveness in technology, sports, art, and so on, to boost national attachment. With a deeper understanding on the relationships among national pride, national attachment, and consumer ethnocentrism, the authors expect that both local and foreign companies in Korea will be able to develop more effective marketing strategies and to achieve sustainable competitive advantage.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.69-80
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• 2012

The garden has long served as away of thinking about nature and about culture and how each influences the other (Francis and Hester, 1990). This study, viewing the garden as a representation of the ideal, tried to seek for detailed aspects of the aforementioned ideal with the representative examples of Thomas Jefferson's gardens. Hidden behind his best known position as a politician was his other career: designer and creator of several gardens. Monticello, Academical Village, and Poplar Forest represented not only his ideals of national values like freedom, democracy and agrarian society, but also a yearning for the rural area and ideals for higher education realization. His personal desire and ideal are represented inside the spatial order, together with his ideals as a politician and the pioneer of new country. By representing the symbolic meaning metaphorically and restructuring it through a spatial scheme, Jefferson's ideal was admired and shared with visitors. In this way, Jefferson's gardens were practical stages to reveal his ideals.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.101-134
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• 2018

This study examines the effects of members' legislative performance on their renominations in the $19^{th}$ Korean National Assembly. We measure how many bills each member has proposed and passed in the Assembly. In addition, we also include rate of passing bills as an indicator of legislative performance. Particularly, we analyze 320 members in total, and 270 members who got in on the competition for nomination separately. The empirical findings of our study show that, firstly, among the total members in the Assembly, as they propose bills more and pass bills fewer, they are more likely to be renominated in the very next election. However, this is a result of different types of members rather than legislative performance. Secondly, among the members who actually competed for renomination, the legislative performance of members can not affect their renomination. Therefore, we argue that it is necessary to stipulate nominations criteria and transform top-down nomination method to bottom-up one in order to raise responsiveness and enhance representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.103-139
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• 2019

This study aims to verify how trust in government leads voters' electoral participation with paying attention to their political orientations. In particular, this study takes voters' partisan consideration into account to examine different direction of the effect of trust in government on electoral participation depending on their ideology and partisan preferences. Key findings show that governmental trust has a positive influence on electoral participation for voters who have conformable ideological orientations to the incumbent government and positive preferences toward the ruling party. In contrast, distrust in government is more likely to increase the possibility of electoral participation for those who have different ideology from the incumbent, negative attitude toward the ruling party, and partisan preferences of the opposition party. Previous studies on the relationship between governmental trust and electoral participation have been mixed as yet. For the sake of explaining this inconclusiveness, this study focuses on partisan foundation of voters' political decision making. It contributes to our understanding of the political properties of governmental trust and its implications for representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.85-123
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• 2020

Under representative democracy, members of the National Assembly exercise their authority to propose, enact, and revise bills on behalf of the people, and the legislation of such lawmakers has a great impact on individuals and society. There exist criticisms that the quality of legislator-sponsored bills has not improved while the number of them has been expanding recently. This study examines the type, productivity, and efficiency of legislation in the 17~19th National Assembly, and empirical analysis is conducted on how the lawmaker's legislations respond to election-related variables such as voter turnout and election competition. The results show that legislator-sponsored bills are mainly produced in the area of governance, finance, macroeconomic policy, social welfare, and health. The number of legislator's proposals increases, while the passing rate decreases, and the processing period extends. Constituents' participation in voting has been shown to enhance legislative efficiency. Based on the results, the paper emphasizes the enhancement of transparency in the legislative process, the improvement of the people's political knowledge, and the revitalization of election functions for the improvement of parliamentary legislation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.79-115
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• 2021

Voters' negative evaluations of government performance lower their trust in government, which functions as the reward and punishment for the government. Trust in government thus serves to promote political accountability of the representative government. However, voters build their confidence toward the party government where the ruling party is responsible for the performance. Considering this partisan nature, we empirically examine that the influence of voters' performance evaluations on governmental trust is conditional on their party identifications. While higher perceptions of political/social conflict and increasing negative evaluations of government policies and economic performance are associated with the lower level of confidence in government, the relationship is contrasted between different party identifiers. For supporters of the ruling party in 2020, the negative evaluations of government performance are not likely to reduce trust in government a lot. On the contrary, those who identify with the main opposition party show the most prominent effect of negative evaluations on their distrust in government. This study demonstrates that trust in government is affected by voters' partisan preferences, not entirely by evaluations of government performance. Such a distortion of the reward and sanction function of governmental trust might lead to the weakening of the accountability mechanism in representative democracy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.198-230
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• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.75
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• pp.43-79
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• 2016

An increase in the number of immigrants to Korea since the late 1980s' has signified the proliferation of globalization and global capitalism. In Korea, most married immigrants are women, as the culture emphasizes patrilineage and the stability of the institution of marriage, particularly in rural areas. Immigrant women have experienced dual ordeals. The Aogra Internet community in Korea has been one of the most representative sites that has shown the power of communities in cyberspace since 2002, leading the discussion of social issues and deliberative democracy both online and offline. This paper analyzed Koreans' writings (such as long comments) on immigrant women in the Agora community. The analysis revealed the following results: first, immigrant women were referred to using terms related to prostitution, with excessive expression of disgust, which is called a "narrative of identity." Second, anti-multiculturalists called Korean men victims of married immigrant women and expressed hatred toward immigrant women, which is called a "narrative of sacrifice." Third, anti-multiculturalists justified their emotions as just resentment based on ideas of justice, equality, and patriotism, concealing the emotion of disgust, which is called the "narrative of justice, equality." Fourth, antimulticulturalists played roles to spread the emotion of disgust, by repeatedly referring to international marriage fraud and immigrant workers' crimes, which is called "narrative of crime." Fifth, some positive writings on immigrant women were based on empathy(a concept defined in this context by Martha Nussbaum), but they can be analyzed as narratives encouraging cultural integration through the perspective of orientalism. Therefore, comments on immigrant women in the Agora represent a "catch-22" dilemma. To deal with conflicts arising from disgust and violations of human rights, civic education focusing on humanism is needed in this multicultural era.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.289-332
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• 2012

In this paper, based on the theory of performance studies and community-based theatre, I venture to explicate the socio-political significance of director Yim Jin-Taek's community-based performance called 'madanggut', which is heavily based on elements of indigenous culture. Yim's madanggut utilizes elements of indigenous cultures and searches for 'the Korean ethnic (arche)type' as 'the ideal Korean type' or 'genuine Korean-ness' for the reconstruction of 'the Korean ethnic community.' This paper interrogates the major task of Yim Jin-Taek's madanggut, which ideologically promulgates the idea of ethnocentric patriarchy supported by the traditional (mainly Confucianist) notion of 'community' - inquiring if this type of theatre can provide useful and practical prospects for imagining a more democratic and plural civilian society in Korea today, when the interaction of globalization, nationalism, regionalism, and localism simultaneously impact our everyday life and cultural identification. Regarding the recent global phenomenon of the resurgence of nationalism, I looked at madanggut's use of symbolic resources from the past for imaginative communal bonding as a nation. But, the claimed homogeneity of the national past by means of 'nation conflation' of different social groups is an illusionary conceptualization, and the national historiography silences memories of the marginalized groups and denies their histories. It is certain that in Korea nationalism has historically performed an important function during the colonization and democratization period. Nevertheless, as Yim's Nokdukkot realized, it cannot be overlooked that as a representative of 'the Korean ethnic community,' 'the protecting man/the sacrificial woman' is contradictory to the plural and lateral thinking of participatory democracy in community-building. It is time to think about a new political language that relates individuals to the community and nation. 'The ethnic type' cannot represent the whole nation and the members of the nation should be the examples of the community they belong to for a more democratic society. I have selected Yim's several community-based works mainly from the 1970s to the 1980s since the works provide grounding images, symbols, metaphors, and allegories pertinent to discussing how 'the Korean ethnic community' has been narrativized through the performances of madanggut during the turbulent epoch of globalization. I hope that this paper presents Yim's grounded aesthetics of community-based theatre with fully contoured critical views and ideas.