• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.20
• /
• pp.67-94
• /
• 2009

Kang Jeung-san whose real name is Kang Il-soon was a Korean born thinker who thought himself as Shangti(上帝). It is told that he made a Great Tour(大巡) upon this world. His thought was affected by Asian traditional philosophy such as Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. He founded a religious body, called Jeung-san-Gyo which could be formed a syncretism of East Asian traditional thoughts. We have to survey Asian traditional thoughts in order to understand Kang Jeung-san's religious thinking. According to the Great Tour Scripture(大巡典經), he have read Confucian moral books, holy Sutra of Buddha and the books of Daoism. In the field of Confucianism, he stressed upon the Book of Changes (Zou-yi; 周易). And for Buddhism, he showed great concern on a monk, Jin-mook(震黙) who lived 15th century in Chosun Dynasty. Jeung-san Shangti followed Daoistic way when he performed religious ritual. In case of performance, he was compared as a great Shaman who wanted to save the world. And the most typical ritual was called public business of Heaven and Earth(天地公事). He showed a great scale while he was touring the world in space. The most important thing, however, is to overcome the localization which seems still prevailing doctrine of the Jeung-san thought. For this, the followers of Jeung-san-Gyo should study world philosophy and accept the modernity so as to broaden Jeung-san thought to the rest of the world.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.62 no.5
• /
• pp.16-30
• /
• 2012

This study examines the types and features of formal ritual hats for Tibetan Buddhist priests. Findings of the study are as follows. The types of formal hats that Tibetan Buddhist priests wear during religious rites or rituals include: u rgyan pad zhwa, pan zhwa, tshogs zhwa, rigs inga, zhwa nag, zhwa dmar and dwags zhwa. The reason why such formal ritual hats as listed above were developed is because the region had an alpine climate, and also because they were the symbolism of Buddhism, the most reverent priest, and reincarnated Buddha thoughts. They were an essential part of the culture of dressing Buddhist statues and offering utensils. Formal ritual hats' shapes originate from lotus. They are colored in red, yellow, indigo, green, white or black, that reflect the nationality and aesthetics of Tibetans. They are mainly made of woolen or silk fabrics. They are usually decorated with gold, git bronze or jewels and the patterns of the sun and the moon, vajra or clouds.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
• /
• no.31
• /
• pp.255-287
• /
• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• 한국노년학
• /
• v.29 no.3
• /
• pp.971-986
• /
• 2009

This research investigated how the participation of various social activities affects cognitive function in middle-aged and elderly population. To examine the relation between the participation of various social activities and cognitive function, we used data from the Korean Longitudinal Study of Ageing. Social activities were classified into four types as religious ritual, leisure, public association and ascriptive association activities, and MMSE-K score was used to measure cognitive function. Results from multiple regression analyses after adjusting for socio-economic status and health status show that the participation in religious and leisure activities have positive effects on cognitive function in middle-aged and elderly population. Participation in leisure activities in middle-aged male group helps preserve cognitive function, and leisure activity and ritual activity are significantly related to cognitive function in middle-aged female group. Meanwhile the participation in religious and leisure activities have positive effects on cognitive function in elderly male and female group. Based on these findings, we suggest that various programs to support the participation of elderly population in social activities should be developed for healthy life for the elderly.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.68-81
• /
• 1999

This paper makes a report of Shaman\`s ritual performed among Korean resiednts in Japan as socio-historical facts, and this also examines the symbolic meanings of Shamans\` costumes. The results are as follows ; 1) At the ritual of Jungsip-Wang Maji, Shamans wear Gwandae, Kunbok, Jangsam, Durumaki, and Chima-jugori. These costumes show that their wearers are priests and gods at the same time. 2) The reason why Simbang performs the ritual in different costumes at different Jaechas is that each object-god needs different costumes to represent its different character. 3) Shamans\` instruments consist of musical instruments and other instruments. Among the musical instruments are such percussions as Buk, Jing, Janggo and Sulsae. Among other insttruments are Sindo, Sanban and Yoryung. 4)Shamans think that the musical instruments have magic powers to drive out minor demons and invite gods. Sindo, Sanban and Yoryung are thought to be the symbolic instruments representing god\`s will.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
• /
• v.6 no.2
• /
• pp.111-121
• /
• 2004

The Mevelana sect is a spiritual Islamic group experiencing spiritual transaction with their god through a peculiar dancing as a form of religious ritual. The Mevelana, a sect of Islamic Sufism, has their head mosque in Konya in Turkey. Although Mevelana sect is regarded as heretic of Islam, it has exerted considerable influence on the Islamic religion through its peculiar religious worshiping form constituted in dancing and reciting poems. Nowadays, Turkey recognizes the Mevelana dancing as their precious cultural legacy of a long history, exerting public information efforts to give it for wider publicity of Turkey to the world. The Mevelana dress with ornament attired for the ritual dancing performance is regarded to symbolize a spiritual medium, which leads to conciliation with the eternity. The straight lines and curved line characteristic of the Mevelana dancer's trousers, skirt, jacket and such mirrors the image of the Orientals, which is in peculiar contrast with the white and gray colors of the dress with ornament. The impression of the spiritual Mevelana dressing in harmony with the dynamic dancing motion goes beyond mere a religious dressing. It is expressive of a graceful and sophisticated modern formative art, of which the mystic design gives an inspiration to the modern fashion. After Poiret, Islamic factors have emerged in the modern fashion. For instance, a hat with Arabic fashion lapel, a Fez hat of Turkish style, harem pants and such are still popular in the modern fashion. It seems probable that the Iraq War would far more activate the influence of Arabic culture to the modern fashion. By making an analysis on the religious background and formative characteristics of the Mevelana dressing, and by giving design examples on how the Mevelanan dressing has been applied to the modern fashion, this research suggests working out new designs by making a renewed application of their characteristics to the modern fashion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.18
• /
• pp.149-164
• /
• 2004

Various social surveys conducted by mass media and government agencies in recent years in Japan suggest that the percentage of those who believe in religion are between twenty and thirty percent. However, more than seventy percent of Japanese visit Shinto shrines or Buddhist temples during the New year period. Although there are varying interpretations on whether Japanese people are religious or not, detailed research shows the existence of certain religious tendencies among Japanese. I base my estimates on research surveys of college students covering a period of almost ten years. It is helpful for understanding the religiosity of the Japanese to differentiate between "clear-cut religion" and "peripheral religious phenomena." The exact boundary between these two categories, however, is difficult to clearly demarcate. "Clear-cut religion" refers here phenomena which are directly related to established religious organizations such as shrine Shinto, Buddhist sects, or Christianity. "Peripheral religious phenomena" covers such phenomena as fortune telling, mystical phenomena, religious customs and similar matters. It is often said that the younger generations are less concerned with religion. Our seven surveys questioning several thousand college students, conducted between 1995 and 2001, show that only between six and seven percent of the students state that they believe in religion. Additionally, the extent of negative attitudes toward religion quite remarkable. On the other hand, students who take part in conventional ritual such as a New year's visit to a shrine or temple and visiting the graves of ancestors amount to about fifty percentage. In spite of the prevailing negative attitude toward religious groups, these students have apparently kept a certain level of interest in religious customs. Moreover, they show a relatively strong interest in fortune telling, mystical phenomena, or supernatural phenomena. The exact degree of a positive attitude toward peripheral religious phenomena differs according to the level of being informed on these matters. As a whole, they largely rely on information gained from their families and local communities. Therefore, we can conclude that there is a degree of transmission of religious culture among younger generations.

• Architectural research
• /
• v.13 no.4
• /
• pp.31-42
• /
• 2011

This study notices that all religions in Central Asia from the fourth century through seventh century C.E. provided considerable hands in keeping a uniform unity through a process of assimilation, although art and architecture were greatly stimulated by the creative genius of the many people. The study thus intends to argue that the common ideas of rituals and primitive forms of religious shrines lead the square-based layout of Buddhist shrines the unity and universality in the architectural products of particular regions or epochs: i.e. the "square-based plan" in Buddhist temples of Central Asia was a significant prototype in the synthesis with pre-Buddhist architectural models and Buddhist universal ideas. Thus, this thesis notes that they did not lose the universal principles of the Buddhist shrine plans due to ritual functions, and even there have been never differences from pre-Buddhist building models remarked by the periods and the venues in which they were produced, although there had been continuous evolutions and adaptive transformations in the local tastes of religious architecture. Accordingly, this study discusses how such plans in Buddhist architecture had been consistently produced within that regional style also representative of the local idioms of architecture, and how they were adopted in the sites, founded on the composition of ritual functions. The foreign architectural cultures were selectively chosen getting along with local building types of each site according to each taste for architecture as a result.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.43
• /
• pp.441-483
• /
• 2021

The introduction of dongbal[bara] is in line with Buddhism which was transmitted from India through China. Therefore, this paper tracked down the records of dongbal in Indian and Chinese Buddhism, and especially in scriptures and in ritual texts of Korean Buddhism, and studied the functionality and the use of dongbal, and the attributes of Baramu. Among the scriptures that record dongbal, 『Myobeopyeon hwagyeong(妙法蓮華經)』(A.D.406) is the earliest to be translated. The records of bara in the scriptures were written as dongbal(銅鈸) mostly, and that it was used as ritual tool(法具), instrumental offering, and religious ornament(莊嚴物). The oldest record which can verify that dongbal was used in Korea is 『Seodaesajajaeryugijang(西大寺資財流記帳)』(A.D.780). The oldest cymbals-like relic remaining today, the reliquary from the temple Gameunsa built in A.D.628, dates back to the early period of Unified Silla. This indicates that dongbal has been used at Korean temples by the 7th century at least. The records of dongbal(銅鈸) written in cheong-gyu(淸規, buddhist monastic rules) and ritual texts are classified as myeongbal(鳴鈸) and dongbal(動鈸). The letter 'myeong(鳴)' of myeongbal means to make a sound, and thus myeongbal refers to clash and make the sound of the bara. It is verified that myeongbal had certain established rules and methods. It appears that dongbal(動鈸) refers to Baramu(the cymbals dance) since the letter 'dong(動)' means movement or to move. Hence, the concept of movement was added to the signification of myeongbal, and became dongbal(動鈸), and then developed into baramu being transmitted until today. There are 8 types of Baramu transmitted in Korean Buddhist rituals, and they could be classified into purifying ritual, inviting ritual, protecting ritual, offering ritual, bathing ritual, dressing ritual, saluting ritual, and praising ritual according to their attributes.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.344-354
• /
• 2008

The traditional ritual foods of Korea have developed with for many years, and differ by locality, family customs and religious characteristics. In an efforts to establish the database on that addresses the difficult issue of a classification system for traditional Korean foods, we have conducted a survey of a traditional Korean ritual foods. In the database, typical 10 rites are represented, covering birth to death, these are birth, the hundredth day after birth, the first birthday, the commemoration of finishing books(graduation), the coming of age ceremony, marriage, the birthday feast for an old man, the 60th wedding anniversary, the funeral, and the memorial service. For each rite, the appropriate traditional Korean foods are classified into 6 categories-main dishes, side dishes, tteok lyou, hangwa lyou, eumchung lyou and the others. Some of these have varied considerably with the passage of time, and some have since disappeared. This database provides a basis for generational transmission, preservation and development of traditional Korean ritual foods as one of the components traditional Korean culture.