• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.6
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• pp.27-50
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• 2008

This thesis examines contemporary Chinese painting after the Cultural Revolution(1966~76), focusing upon so-called "Chinese Pop art", which I termed as "Socialist Pop art". I considered the art of this period within the broader context of social changes especially after the Tienanmen incident of 1989. After the Cultural Revolution during which idolization of Chairman Mao was at its peak, one of the major changes in communist China was that an anti-Mao wave was generated in almost every social class. For example, novels that revealed the hardships during the Cultural Revolution were published. Posters that openly criticized the Maoism were also produced and displayed on the walls, and demand for democracy spurred widespread activist movements among young generations. These broad social changes were also reflected in art. A variety of art movements were introduced from the West to China, and after a period of experimentation with the new imported styles, artists began to apply the new artistic idiom to their works in order to visualize their own social and political realities they lived in. It was a shift from earlier Socialist Realism to a new expression either directly or indirectly, "Socialist Pop", an amalgam of Socialist Realism and Pop art tradition. After the 1989 crackdown of Tienanmen Square protest, when communist government quelled with brutal measures the students, workers, and ordinary people who rose for democracy, greater urge to protest the Deng Xiaoping regime emerged. This time coincided with the gradual emergence of art using Pop art vocabulary to satirize the social reality, the Socialist Pop art, along with many other art forms all with avant-garde spirit. One of the most frequent subjects of Chinese Pop art was visual images of Chairman Mao and his Cultural Revolution, and new China that was saturated with capitalism, which tainted the Chinese way of life with a Western way of consumerism and commercialism. The reason for the popularity of Mao's image was spurred by the "Mao Craze" in the early 1990's. People suddenly began to fall in a kind of nostalgia for the past, and once again, Mao Zedong was idolized as an entity who can heal the problems of modern China who had been marching towards their ultimate destination, the economic development. But this time Chairman Mao was no more an idol but just a popular, commercial product. He is no more an object of worship of almost religious nature but he has become an iconography symbolizing the complex nature of present Chinese society. During this process of depicting the social reality, Chinese artists are making the authority and sanctity of Maoism ineffective. Dealing with this new trend of contemporary Chinese art in view of "Socialist Pop art" two manners of re-creating Pop art can be illustrated: one that incorporates the propaganda posters of the Cultural Revolution; the other borrows from Chinese traditional popular imagery or mass media, such as photos taken during Mao era. What is worth mentioning is that these posters and photos of the Cultural Revolution can be identified as 'popular' media, as they were directed to educate the popular mass, thus combination of this ingenuous pop media with Western Pop art can be fully justified as a genre unique to China. Through this genre, we can discover a new chapter of the Chinese contemporary painting and its society, as their Pop art can be considered as self-portraits true to their present appearances.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.243-280
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• 2017

To the mid 19th from the early 20th century, there were many movements about religion in Korea society. Protestant which first flew in 1885 grew up greatly and Confucianism of traditional thought sought for religionization to survive. At once new religions named Korea ethnical religion appeared. They are Donghak(東學), Daejonggyo(大倧敎), Jeungsangyo(甑山敎) and Won-Buddhism. Generally speaking, these ethnical religions deeply relates with Korea original mental culture. In this paper, I want to infer that these religions have Korea origin metal culture. The first, I will consider some traditional thoughts of (1) worshiping of Heaven, (2) practice and (3) harmony from traditional (religious) ceremonies and thoughts. Ans then I will infer how these traditional thoughts from origin mental culture appear in ethnical religions of Donghak(東學), Won-Buddhism(圓佛敎), and Jeungsangyo(甑山敎).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.237-267
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• 2019

The article considers the problems of envisaging a paradise on earth, with special reference to Jehovah's Witnesses. After an explanation of their relationship to the Christian Protestant tradition, particularly Adventism and American fundamentalism, some key doctrines of the Watch Tower organisation are identified, with particular reference to their belief in a coming earthly paradise. Jehovah's Witnesses are a restorationist movement, seeking a restored paradise on earth, and endeavouring to restore authentic Christianity in what they take to be its original form. Discussion is given to the possibility of physical accommodation on the earth, the position of animals, family life, language, and technology. Finally, brief comparison is made with the expected paradise of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, which is based on a radically different worldview. It is concluded that such differences help to explain why Jehovah's Witnesses have limited success in Korea, as compared with indigenous Korean new religions such as Daesoon Jinrihoe.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.27-65
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• 2014

Flourishing in the Central Dry Zone of Burma during a period from the mid-eleventh to the late-thirteenth century A.D., the historical kingdom of Pagan was one of the major Buddhist centers in Southeast Asia. The significance of Pagan as an important pilgrimage site of the region, where numerous relics of the Buddha were enshrined, had been maintained until long after the fall of its civilization. It is evident that the artistic influences of Pagan, particularly in the architectural and decorative domains, had been transmitted to various other Buddhist civilizations in the area. This study provides a detailed analysis on the relationships between the mural tradition of Pagan and those of its neighboring civilizations in Thailand-of the Ayutthayā, Lānnā and Sukhothai schools-dating from after the Pagan Period in the fourteenth century to the sixteenth century. Surprisingly, as the analysis of this study has suggested, such relationships seemed to be trivial, more on a minor stylistic basis than on substantial ideological and iconographic grounds. They suggest that transmission of the complex idea and superb craftsmanship of the mural tradition would not have been maintained adequately at Pagan after its civilization, probably due to the lack of royal patronage. It would have been extremely difficult for foreign pilgrims who visited Pagan after its dynastic period to appreciate the surviving murals of this lost tradition in terms of their complex programs and associated symbolism. Also, there had been a new center of the Sinhalese Buddhism firmly established in the Martaban area of lower Burma since the mid-fourteenth century that outcompeted Pagan in terms of supplying the new Buddhist ideas and tradition. Its fame spread wide and far among the Buddhist communities of Southeast Asia. Later, these Buddhist communities also established direct contact with Sri Lanka. The Sukhothai murals and the Ayutthayā murals in the crypt of Wat Rātchaburana, dating from the fourteenth/fifteenth century, show obvious Sri Lankan influence in terms of artistic style and Buddhist iconography. They could be a product of these new religious movements, truly active in Southeast Asia during that time.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.101-140
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• 2017

Currently, the whole world is being swept away by spiritual movements. Since the Three Kingdoms periods, Korea has been under the influence of "The Three Teachings". But during the modern times, the word "The Three Daos" began to be widely used alongside the expression "The Three Teachings" within various circles of New Korean Religions. Regarding this, Daesoon Thought is particularly noteworthy due to its description of the religious realm spoken of as "Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism" and the figurehead of that realm, the "Gwan-wang (Crowned King)". This study suggests that there should be a distinction noting the differences between "The Three Teachings" and "The Three Daos" in order to understand the status of the "Gwan-wang" in Daesoon Thought and to facilitate the study Buddhism as both a religion and a religious principle within the context of "The Gwan-wang of the Three Daos". Chapter II, details the conceptions of "Dao" and "Teaching" in the Eastern tradition and "Religion" in the Western tradition. This chapter includes a discussion of how the word "The Three Daos" could be approached as a "Theory of the Three Daos" that explains the religions of the East and the West through comprehensive principles. Chapter III goes through descriptions in the Jeon-gyeong of Buddhistic faiths, doctrines, monks, and temples to discover the meaning of the Dao of Buddhism and Buddhist culture as contained in the Jeon-gyeong. In chapter IV, the Buddhistic characteristics of Daesoon Thought is clarified in three ways: the Dao of Buddhism as the "substance of form", oneness as "growth and nurturing", and "Jinmuk" as the leader of the Dao of Buddhism. From this discussion, it is shown that research on the Dao of Buddhism in Daesoon Thought is a crucial avenue for understanding the identity of Daesoon Thought. In other words, the status of Daesoon Thought is not irrelevant to the Dao of Buddhism or to Buddhism proper, but Daesoon Thought should instead be understood as pursuing the state of Gwan-wang (Crowned King), which has the Dao of Buddhism as an axis characterized as "the substance of form" or as "growth and nurturing". Also, it provides a comprehensive view by which the various aspects of Buddhism as a modern day religious phenomenon of can be understood under the principle of the Dao of Buddhism.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.175-185
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• 2010

This article aims to compare the implications of masked dance in Hahoe with Gangneung masquerade and analyze them, in terms of the transition of the rituals. The results are as followings; Byulsin exorcism of Hahoe was the worship for God who people believe protects us from the evil. However, from the making of the mask in Hahoe masquerade. The movement of the dance features the spontaneous, changeable, depending on atmosphere of the stage or the host of the performance. Hahoe masquerade has the religious suggestion in the organization; it is one of the festivals, wishing for peace, good harvest of the village, in the content of the performance. From the roles of casts, the implications of the rituals are inferred; such the characters as Yangbankwangdae, Somaekaksi, Sisittakttaki, and Jangjamari have the implication of the repelling. But, the movement of the masked dance lost the original fashion in the process of restoration and faced the change. Therefore, most of the movements are tuned to falk of Gangneung; it doesn't have essence of the rituals. Finally, Gangneung masquerade has a factor of amusement of the Dano festival, wishes for well-being, good harvest of the village and includes the ritual of a guardian deity of the town, like the tutelary masquerade.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.97-129
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• 2008

Sin-jeokdo (Hogye, 1574-1663) was a general of patriotic army who protected the region of Euseong at the time of Qing dynasty's invasion in 1627(Jungmyo) and 1636(Byongja). He was an prominent figure outside government as well as a faithful confucian who spent his life with reading and teaching junior scholars after disgraceful treaty in the year of Byongja. Hogye understood the neo-Confucianism in terms of the whole duty of men(綱常) and righteousness(義理) which was in the status of sole official academic subject and thought its practice only hinged upon the practice of filial piety and brotherly love together with loyalty and sincerity based on morals between sovereign and subject, father and son. He, therefore, emphasized that the righteousness only can be accomplished by dying of children and subjects for filial piety and fidelity respectively, at the time of commotion. This was his spirit of righteousness which repelled Japanese army in the Imjin War and he insisted on defeating Japanese army in accordance with this spirit. Hogye's practice of righteousness is grounded on the spirit of Chosun Confucianism which stressed actual practices of moral principles and duties. His practice of righteousness shows internalized cultural sinocentrism and moral-centric, ethic-centric characteristic of Chosun Confucianism. Moreover, the moral consciousness which was shown in Hogye's thought helped to keep Korean's pride and observe morality and it served itself as a basis of commencement of nationalistic military, religious movements afterwards.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.68
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• pp.141-173
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to help examine the nature and direction of today's village education community by examining the characteristics of Osan School and Myeongdong School, which were representative national schools during the Japanese colonial period, as village education communities. These two schools were prestigious private schools that became the bases for national and international independence movements at home and abroad. The fact that these schools were able to produce excellent graduates by faithfully carrying out the national education, which was the mission of the time, despite the oppressive situation, was influenced by the village education community formed by the organic cooperative relationship between the school and the village. The two schools have had active support from the village since their establishment, and the schools invited villagers if there was a good educational opportunity or cultural event. The school opened all the facilities of the school to the residents, and the villagers took care of the students and teachers, forming a close fusion between the two sides. Based on this relationship, the school and village made an effort to create an ideal village community based on independence, equality and solidarity. As such, the historical examination of Osan School and Myeongdong School suggests implications that help the village education community move forward to a more mature stage.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.75
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• pp.103-125
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• 2023

This study aims to explore the direction and tasks of Christian unification education as peace education. To this end, after examining the historical trend of peace education and unification education in Korea, the tasks of peaceful unification education are reviewed. Peace education has expanded with the activation of peace movements and educational discourse starting from civil society, while unification education has been planned in accordance with the government's unification and North Korea policy and is moving toward the field of education practice. However, due to the nature of unification education that aspires for peace, the combination of the two fields has continued steadily, and research on peace unification education has been continuously conducted. The direction and tasks of Christian unification education as peace education were proposed based on the tasks of peace unification education derived through prior research analysis and the trend of the times in the two areas to carry out the research purpose. For the sustainability of peace on the Korean Peninsula, Christian unification education as a peace education should aim to foster peaceful citizens who take the lead in transitioning from a culture of violence to a culture of peace. To this end, first, it is necessary to seek the direction of Christian education for the dissolution of the antagonist image. Second, activities that guarantee learners' subjectivity and autonomy should be carried out away from the top-down method in teaching and learning. Third, a curriculum connected to daily life should be formed.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.73-107
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• 2020

Daesoon Jinrihoe tends to be perceived as a 'nationalistic religion' by both internal members of the religious body and outside scholars of religious studies. However, the character of this particular nationalistic religion is rather complex. On top of emphasizing the special status of the Korean ethnic group while focusing on nationalism as a nationalistic religion, Daesoon Jinrihoe futrther asserts an implication of the universality of world religion aiming to bring relief to humankind and the world. This dynamic is one of the specificity of nationalistic religion and also the universality of world religion. However, this dual logic of specificity and universality is not characteristic of only Daesoon Jinrihoe. Many religions in the world have also exhibited duplicity as nationalistic religions and world religions. And this thesis pays attention to Sectarian Shinto as it formed in modern Japan. Kyoha Shinto formed when the modern Japanese government established the national Shinto system which had a total of 13 sects. Most of them do not only call themselves a nationalistic religion, inheriting the ethnic tradition of Japanese people, but also jump into overseas missionary work. This started during the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. With that in mind, how did the overseas missionary work of Sectarian Shinto aspire for status as a world religion while maintaining their identities as nationalistic religions? Furthermore, how did their movements fare in their efforts to become world religions? Thus, this thesis aims to examine the possibility Daesoon Jinrihoe becoming a world religion through some cases of Sectarian Shinto that showed the duplicity as nationalistic religions and world religions. Also, this thesis makes suggestions regarding the future direction of Daesoon Jinrihoe. As such, this paper aims to review the new direction of Daesoon Jinrihoe as it stands on the borderline between being a nationalistic religion and a world religion. This is done by examining the historical flow of theory regarding 'nationalistic religion' or 'minjung religion' which have long been discussed in Korean society. Also examined is the case of Won Buddhism which likewise aims to simultaneosuly be both a nationalistic religion in Korea and a world religion abroad.