• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.51-66
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• 1992

This paper analyzes: (1) the effects of the population growth in the regions in which the campuses are located (2) the economic effects (3) the social and cultural effects 94) the linkage effects between university and regional community. It is found that the campuses have various effects on the regional community through the human capitals, economic and cultural factors, and educational program. In particular local campuses have substantial impacts on regional economy. Two local campuses have been found to have more regional income effects than manufacturing and service industries do. Thus, it is necessary that the growth of linkage mechanism with universities and induced consumption expenditure by universities should be constructed in the region having local campuses. In order to increase these effects on regional development, much attention should be given to the regional development aspect from university authorities, students, professors, and residents. Also from the national policy point associated with material-moving policy and capital mobility policy in relation to the universities should be estabilished.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.77-85
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to critically evaluate the DPD development plan of Kyungpook province, which was established in 1996 and slightly revised in 1997 in terms of a theoretical framework, fair distribution and ecological sustainability, and the feasibility of capital supply of the proposed plan. The early part of the proposed plan introduces various theories and approaches developed in regional (or local) development planning as a general after the 1970s. However, the theories and approaches mentioned are not used as a guideline to establish the DPD development plan of Kyungpook province as a historically developed particular place. Most of the plans were tourism-oriented and did not seriously take the local characteristics into account. All the DPDs of Kyungpook province are located in the upper parts of the Nakdong River basin. So those regions are ecologically vulnerable. But a lot of problems remain concerning the environmental impacts of the proposed development plan. In terms of fair distribution and ecological sustainability, it seems that the DPD development plan was routinely made by a handful of professors and administrators, based on a standard format of regional (or local) development as a genera]. Finally, capital is the key factor for successfully implementing the DPD development plan. It came from the national and local government and private investors. The government have generally financed the construction of infrastructures, not profit-oriented projects such as tourism and resort businesses. However, the feasibility of private capital was not carefully examined in the plan.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 1994

The most important objective of the national development policy in Korea is the balanced regional development through the mitigation of concentration to the Capital region and the further development of other regions. Although various national policies have been formulated so far, the consequences of such policies for the balanced regional development have been unsatisfactory. This paper attempted to estimate regional growth factos through regression method. According to the results of this study, the differentiated regional policy for promotion and regulation to the location of firms and colleges and technological development have been operated only partially but not comprehenisively nor systematically. Especially, much of financial assistance has not been differentiated regionally. This study is expected to contribute to the formulation of the rational regional policy in future.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.489-507
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• 1996

The purpose of this study is to examine the increasing number of unregistered manufacturing plants and related problems, and to recommend alternative solutions to the problems. Data are obtained from a field survey of randomly selected small scale manufacturing plants in Seoul and its suburban cities. A total number or respondents are 533, and 416 of them are unregistered plants. The Capital Regional Planning has had a goal during last three decades to lead a balanced regional economic development by restriction manufacturing plants in the Capital Region and by encouraging them in other regions in the nation. It was 1984 when a comprehensive planning was established to achieve this goal. Sets of various regulations, by-laws and codes have been implemented to regulate manu-facturing activities in the Capital Region to achieve the goal. The region is divided into three sub-regions, and a different degree of regulations is applied to each sub-region. Only a certain types of industries are allowed in a particular sub-region. For instance, a plant manufacturing high-technology products could be allowed in the most urbanized sub-region. All manu-facturing plant in the Capital Region which has ares size of larger than 200"\;"$m^2$ is compulsory to register to the local government office. In practice, however, it is not common or sometimes almost impossible to get approval for many applicant manufacturers because of strict regulations. There have been increasing number of plants in the Capital Region during last several decades, despite the strict regulations. Many of those newly established plants are without formal registration at the local administration office. howerver. These are so called 'unregisterd' plants. Surveyed data and many government official data show that many of unregistered plants have been established in recent years. which indicate that current regulations are no longer effective. The number of unregistered plants are increasing tin the Capital Region because of many locational advantages in the region for plants, particularly those in small scale. Unregistered plants are the source of many problems, such as local water pollution or noise pollution in residential areas. There are also many administration problems, bed\cause they are not registered. The central government has attempted to cure the problems of unregistered plants. For example, the government allowed a unregistered plant to remain at present site for three ydars, if it met certain conditions in three years. However, this program was unsuccessful because many of those plants were not able to meet the concitions. Three times the government renewed the term for those which did not meet conditions since 1989, but it was afraid to be without success. There are many evidences that current policies to control manufacturing plants are not effective. The Capital Region must face mounting problems if ploicies are not reformed soon. This study suggests that the policy of the Capital Regional Planning has to be reoriented to provide more favorable policies for manufacturing plants in the Capital Region than current regulations which is aimed to restrict manufacturing activities. It is time to improve many existing problems in the region through reforms and of current regulations to foster unregistered plants. This study also proposes many smaller-area sub-divisions instead of current three large area sub-regions which is too broad to apply single kind of regulation, or codes. Flexible regulations and codes can be applied to such a small-area sub-divivisions based on location and industrial characteristics of the individual sub-divisions. It is necessary to provide decent industrial environment in the Capital Region, which is best equipped to provide many favorable industrial locational factors in the nation, thus this nation can be further prepared to compete in an inter-national market at an era of globalization in manufacturing.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.580-599
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• 2008

This paper aims at examining the existence and characteristics of regional difference in project finance in Korea. Main results of this paper are as follow. Firstly, regional difference in project finance between capital region and local can be seen partially. However, their characteristics are different from corporate finance. ANOVA tests show significant differences of excess interest rate occur in case of commercial real estate projects and significant differences of contracted terms occur in case of residential real estate projects carried out by local banks. Secondly, key factors causing the regional differences in project finance are asymmetric information for cash flow generated by the project between the capital region and local. Especially, regional differences in project finance are different from those in corporate financing because of local banks$^{\circ}{\phi}$ behaviors. They follow and act as the passive members of nationwide banks in case of the capital region projects. Thirdly, prepaid sale system and the guarantee system depending on construction companies dilute the regional differences in project finance in case of residential real estate projects. Although these systems contributed rapid growth of project finance, they may be the main factors distorting project finance market which lead to financial crisis. In these context, policy implications may be derived in order to solve the confronted problems of project finance market.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.1 s.118
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• pp.41-62
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• 2007

This paper aims to interpret the changes of the regional inequality between Seoul Metropolitan Area(SMA) and Non-SMA after 1981 on the regulationist approaches that examine institution changes and power dynamics that motivate regional disparities in South Korea. Despite the restrict laws and aims that alms to reduce the concentration into SMA before 1988, the acts were not executed effectively due to the structural selectivity of the bureaucratic authoritarian state of those years. Thus, the regional concentration phenomena of SMA was intensified in the 1980s. However, the democratization in 1987 invoked Non-SMA regions to claim their regional development and it also forced the state to mediate the conflicting interests between the regional agents protesting the SMA concentration and the Capital agents supporting the SMA deregulation. From the early 1990s. the state launched a series of national strategies and policies to diminish regional inequality. They included execution of the existing acts mitigating SMA concentration and construction of industrial complexes in the underdeveloped areas of Non-SMA. Thus, the equalizing polities led the reduction of the concentration of SMA from 1989 to 1997. However, the financial crisis of Korea in 1997 intensified the claims of the Capital agents to deregulate the SMA control. The circumstance also forced the state towards the Capital side that request the deregulation of SMA control. As the result, the regional disparity between SMA and Non-SMA has been enlarged again since 1998.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.464-480
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• 2012

This paper includes consideration for construction of Sejong City and seeking its alternative. Korean government has gone ahead with the relocation of 35 ministries of central government from Seoul metropolitan area to Sejong city for balanced regional development. But many specialists are worried about the spatial division of government function because such a spatial division would bring down the functional efficiency of central government. This paper proposes to make Sejong city the administrative capital city instead of the relocation of some ministries to Sejong city, and discusses the necessity and appropriateness to develop Sejong city as an administrative capital city.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.562-574
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• 2003

This study examines the emerging global city-regions theory and suggests its implications for regional development policy in Korea. Global city-regions defined as an economic and political organization of metropolitan regions or a new scale of urban organization with polycentric structure, is appreciated as a new regionalist model of development in the globalization era. In Korea, the application of global city-regions model is required particularly for strengthening the international competitiveness of metropolitan areas except the capital region including Seoul, and resolving inequalities between the capital region and non-capital regions. However, Institutional revolution including consolidation of Shi(metropolitan area) and Do(province), and devolution should be preceded above all things to develop metropolitan cities such as Busan, Daegu, Gwangju, and Daejeon toward global city-regions.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.23-32
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• 2016

This paper is to clarify on the Characteristics of the Layout of the Hue, the Capital of the Nguyen Dynasty in Vietnam, based on a close study of historical records. The results of this study are as follows: Hue was organized according to the traditional capital system of China, whereas the city wall was built Western-style called Vauban. It can be said that the construction of Hue was the result of reflecting both the regional situation that was under the influence of the Chinese culture and the situation of the time that required military facilities based on new technologies. The Axis of Hue oriented to southeast and the location of the government facilities related to way of construction, using the existing facilities. Some facilities that must be located within the imperial city were built its outside. Because facilities for ancestor worship was more important. The facilities for ancestor worship was able to get confirmation that Nguyen Dynasty was successor of ruler who dominated the country.