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Maturation, Sex Ratio and Sex-reversal of Red Spotted Grouper, Epinephelus akaara (붉바리의 성숙과 성비 및 성전환)

  • Lee, Chang-Kyu;Hur, Sung-Bum;Ko, Tae-seung;Park, Seung
    • Journal of Aquaculture
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.573-580
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    • 1998
  • Red spotted grouper, Epinephelus akaara is distributed in the south and west coasts of Korea. The natural stocks of the fish are decreasing sharply year by uear because of reckless overfishing. This research was carried out to understand general informations on maturation, sex composition and sex-reversals of the fish. Annual fishing uields of red spotted grouper in the castal area of Byonsan Peninsular of Kora decreased over 10% from 1992 to 1994. The main fishing season was from May to July with fishing gear of Hand-lines. Gonadosomatic index (GSI) and condition factor were highest on early and late July, respectively, thus main spawning reriod was assumed from late July to early August. The relationship between total length (X) and body weight (Y) for wild adults was represented as a regression, Y=$0.0169X^{2.9705}$, ($r^2$=0.96). Frequency of sex of wild red spotted gouper showed that the number of female below 38cm in total length was more than that of male, and hermaphrodite mainly occurred from 28cm to 32cm in total length the frequency of male and female were almost same. Also hermaphrodite occurred mainly between 25~29cm. Sex reversal ration of the adults reared in a tank for a year with different sexual compositions revealted that the frequency of female reversed from male was more than that of male reversed from female at 1:1 and 1:2 stocking densities of female and male, respectively. Also, about 20% of female was reversed to male when all females were reared. And the size of the fish reversed to male was larger than that of non-reversed female.

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Efficacy of UN's Sanctions on North Korea's Nuclear and North Korea's Regime Survival Strategy (유엔의 북핵 대북제재조치의 실효성과 북한의 체제생존전략)

  • KIM, JOO-SAM
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.69-92
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    • 2018
  • North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.

Status and Preservation of Cultural Relics in the Demilitarized Zone (비무장지대(DMZ) 문화유적 현황과 보전방안)

  • Lee, Jae
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.1
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    • pp.216-241
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    • 2019
  • There are 35 cultural properties of fourteen kinds in the Demilitarized Zone known so far, but this number is expected to increase in the future. Among them, Cheolwon-Doseong and Jeongol-Chong of Gimhwa should be the first step toward conservation efforts by conducting a joint investigation through the collaboration of North and South Korea. In particular, the joint investigation of Cheolwon-Doseong will not only remind the North and South that they are the same people who have had common history and cultural traditions for a long time, but will also give symbolic meaning to convert the demilitarized zone into a stage for peace. Since Jeongol-Chong is a mass grave of the fallen soldiers of Pyeongan Province who fought against the invasion of the Qing of China, it should be managed as a national designated cultural asset through joint investigation. In addition, the Demilitarized Zone should become a World Heritage Site because of its importance to the legacy of the Korean War, an international war caused by an ideological confrontation. Furthermore, it has more than 6,000 kinds of temperate forests in addition to 100 species of endangered species and natural monuments. The DMZ is very qualified to be a World Natural Heritage Site, and should be included as a World Complex Cultural Heritage Site that qualifies as a World Heritage and World Natural Heritage Site. In the Demilitarized Zone, we can also find numerous highlands, tunnels and posts used during the Korean War, as well as surveillance posts, a military demarcation line, barbed wire fences, and Panmunjom, which were created by the armistice agreement. it would be desirable to select some of its sections and war facilities and to register them as modern cultural heritage assets. Finally, it is necessary to reconstruct the Dorasan Signal Fire Site, which was the communication facility of a traditional era which connected the South (Dorasan) and North (Gaesong). This would symbolize smooth communication between the two Koreas. In order to prepare for the reckless development of the Demilitarized Zone due to the upcoming cease-fire, the government and cultural asset experts will have to work hard to identify and preserve the cultural properties of the Demilitarized Zone, and they will also have to maintain consistent control over matters such as indiscriminate investigation and mine clearance.

The Music Policies of the Kings of Joseon Dynasty - Focus on Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo - (조선 중기 국왕의 음악정책 - 성종·중종·인조를 중심으로 -)

  • Song, Ji-won
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.315-353
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    • 2017
  • This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.

The Diaspora Narrative and Aesthetics in Handol's Tarae (한돌 타래의 디아스포라 서사와 미학)

  • Shin, Sa-Bin
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.189-219
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    • 2020
  • This study is an analysis of Handol Heung-Gun Lee's Tarae, which is a coinage combining the Korean words for "playing an instrument" and "song", in terms of narrative and aesthetics. The components for analysis are the phenomena and nature of binary oppositions between nature and human beings, between alienation and interest, between division and unification, and between diaspora and people of the national community. Tarae in the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s described the experience of pain and loss from non-resistance and disobedience in protest against social problems that emerged during the era of miliary dictatorship, such as industrialization, urbanization, reckless development, Westernization, university-oriented education, the gap between rich and poor, human alienation, and the conflicts arising from the division of the nation. After Handol overcame the lack of creative motivation with self-reflection and effort, Tarae took the form of a diaspora epic meta-narratives integrating the "sound of nature and his true nature" and "the awareness of diaspora and the spirit of the Korean people". The epics of the homeland, the national soil and the people, which began with "Teo", became more intense in terms of a sense of diaspora as they shifted their focus from an origin to a path with "Hanmoejulghi" as the turning point. Handol seeks inspiration in the source of narrative rather than in music. His Tarae focuses on "adding rhythm for lyrics". For this reason, the semiotic features of Tarae have a limitation in that its extrinsic phonology is simple even if its intrinsic meaning (i.e., emotion of sadness) is profound and subtle. In order to elicit sympathy from the audience and impress them, it is necessary to strike a balance between the implicit (semantic) part and the explicit (phonological) part. To share the emotion of sadness with more people, it is necessary to strengthen phonological elements. Sympathy for sadness and deep impression on the audience are more often induced by the mood of similar sentiments than by the stories of the same experience. The aesthetics of sadness in Tarae began with the narratives of past experience which were expressed in the contexts of loss, loneliness, and poverty that Handol had experienced since childhood. However, the aesthetics of sadness, deepened over the period of a long hiatus in Handol's career as a composer, formed the narratives of ultimate salvation, embodying even the diaspora experience of others (e.g., displaced people, overseas adoptees, ethnic Koreans in Russia, victims of Japanese military sexual slavery, etc.). This gave Tarae the potential to go beyond the limits of the ethnic group of Korea. Tarae, as a "dispersed sound", can benefit from the appeal of deep sadness at the point of contact with other forms of world music. It may form a global diaspora discourse because Tarae is oriented towards interculturalism rather than anti-multiculturalism. The future challenge and goal of Handol's Tarae would be to continue to find areas of sympathy and broaden the horizon of awareness as diaspora music.

Community Structure of Natural Monument Forest (Forest of Japanese Torreyas in Pyeongdae-ri, Jeju and Subtropical Forest of Nabeup-ri, Jeju) in Jeju-do (제주도 천연기념물 수림지(제주 평대리 비자나무 숲과 제주 납읍리 난대림)의 군집구조)

  • Jeong Eun Lee;Yo Seob Hwang;Ho Jin Kim;Ju Heung Lee;Chung Weon Yun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.112 no.4
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    • pp.393-404
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    • 2023
  • The Natural Monument Forest (NMF) is a form of natural and cultural heritage that has symbolized the harmony between nature and culture in Korea for a long time. Recently, the NMF has deteriorated due to industrialization and reckless city expansion. Given this situation, it is necessary to preserve and manage the ecosystem of the NMF through preferential research regarding the forest community structure. Accordingly, this study sought to identify the community structure by analyzing the vegetation classification, stratum structure,and species diversity using vegetation data collected from the Forest of Japanese Torreyas in Pyeongdae-ri, Jeju and the Subtropical Forest of Nabeup-ri, Jeju. The results classified the forest vegetation as a Litsea japonica community group divided into two communities: a Torreya nuciferacommunity and a Quercus glauca community. The T. nuciferacommunity was subdivided into the Idesia polycarpa group and Dryopteris erythrosora group, while the Q. glauca community was subdivided into the Mercurialis leiocarpa group and Arachniodes aristata group. The T. nucifera species showed the highest level of importance in vegetation units 1 (Litsea japonicacommunity group-Torreya nucifera community-Idesia polycarpa group) and 2 (Litsea japonica community group-Torreya nucifera community-Dryopteris erythrosora group), whereas Q. glauca showed the highest level of importance in vegetation units 3 (Litsea japonica community group-Quercus glauca community-Mercurialis leiocarpa group) and 4 (Litsea japonica community group-Quercus glauca community-Arachniodes aristata group). In terms of the species diversity, vegetation units 1, 2, 3, and 4 had 2.866, 2.716, 2.222, and 2.326 species, respectively. These findings suggest that it is necessary to prepare a differentiated management plan for each vegetation unit.

A Study on pluralistic Reformation for Education of Telecommunication -for Establishment of Individual System for Comm. Education- (통신교육의 계열화와 계층화 -고유한 교역의 형성을 위하여-)

  • 조정현
    • The Journal of Korean Institute of Communications and Information Sciences
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.28-30
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    • 1978
  • Communication actions as a social band or Human community stick (fast) to human being ceaselessly w without stopping everywhere. All of comm. actions can be kept up and developed by the education of its own. Comm. actions have to include a character of social process, and so for it the social science should t to be some essential part of it. Therefore, Comm. education have to be schemed for achieving with a point of view of synthetical s science including technical and social factor. However, recentry Comm. education be suffered to lose of itowns essential attribute and individual i independence becausing to reduce social weight recklessly in their education It is a prindiple that Comm. science is an integrate science being composed of human, social and t technical subdepartments and so comm. education have to obey for Comm. constuctional theory, i international and social claim. Originally in Korea a educational idea and genealogy forming by the comm. scientific theory has I inherited on orthodoxy. But in 1961, communication college that is only the orthodox model of Comm. education, was f forced to close by some reckless policy and then the national administration for the Comm. education h have been weakened, and so recently it’s education became to degenerate as out of genealogy or n nonsystem alike some scattering Family. On the other side, today comm. science make to it’s modern scientific factor and to keep its l integrate level, therefore, all of educational provisions and administration for the telecomm. should t to be supplement to be fit for their plural chatacters. Comm. education have to occupy an individual educational system through the comm. theory, and t then it can be coexisted with neighbour scientific field equally and can include, connect coordinate o or effect its inference in each subfactor organically. Finally, educational system for telecommunication should to be requested as preeedence that i independent field including pluralism must be formed and sufficient autonomy be guarenteed, and s so Comm. education must be to restored its orthodox genealogy and be recovered individual system a and seIfrestraint field, and then it can be accomplished its own duty for nation and society.

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Assessment Study on Educational Programs for the Gifted Students in Mathematics (영재학급에서의 수학영재프로그램 평가에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Jung-Hyun;Whang, Woo-Hyung
    • Communications of Mathematical Education
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.235-257
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    • 2010
  • Contemporary belief is that the creative talented can create new knowledge and lead national development, so lots of countries in the world have interest in Gifted Education. As we well know, U.S.A., England, Russia, Germany, Australia, Israel, and Singapore enforce related laws in Gifted Education to offer Gifted Classes, and our government has also created an Improvement Act in January, 2000 and Enforcement Ordinance for Gifted Improvement Act was also announced in April, 2002. Through this initiation Gifted Education can be possible. Enforcement Ordinance was revised in October, 2008. The main purpose of this revision was to expand the opportunity of Gifted Education to students with special education needs. One of these programs is, the opportunity of Gifted Education to be offered to lots of the Gifted by establishing Special Classes at each school. Also, it is important that the quality of Gifted Education should be combined with the expansion of opportunity for the Gifted. Social opinion is that it will be reckless only to expand the opportunity for the Gifted Education, therefore, assessment on the Teaching and Learning Program for the Gifted is indispensible. In this study, 3 middle schools were selected for the Teaching and Learning Programs in mathematics. Each 1st Grade was reviewed and analyzed through comparative tables between Regular and Gifted Education Programs. Also reviewed was the content of what should be taught, and programs were evaluated on assessment standards which were revised and modified from the present teaching and learning programs in mathematics. Below, research issues were set up to assess the formation of content areas and appropriateness for Teaching and Learning Programs for the Gifted in mathematics. A. Is the formation of special class content areas complying with the 7th national curriculum? 1. Which content areas of regular curriculum is applied in this program? 2. Among Enrichment and Selection in Curriculum for the Gifted, which one is applied in this programs? 3. Are the content areas organized and performed properly? B. Are the Programs for the Gifted appropriate? 1. Are the Educational goals of the Programs aligned with that of Gifted Education in mathematics? 2. Does the content of each program reflect characteristics of mathematical Gifted students and express their mathematical talents? 3. Are Teaching and Learning models and methods diverse enough to express their talents? 4. Can the assessment on each program reflect the Learning goals and content, and enhance Gifted students' thinking ability? The conclusions are as follows: First, the best contents to be taught to the mathematical Gifted were found to be the Numeration, Arithmetic, Geometry, Measurement, Probability, Statistics, Letter and Expression. Also, Enrichment area and Selection area within the curriculum for the Gifted were offered in many ways so that their Giftedness could be fully enhanced. Second, the educational goals of Teaching and Learning Programs for the mathematical Gifted students were in accordance with the directions of mathematical education and philosophy. Also, it reflected that their research ability was successful in reaching the educational goals of improving creativity, thinking ability, problem-solving ability, all of which are required in the set curriculum. In order to accomplish the goals, visualization, symbolization, phasing and exploring strategies were used effectively. Many different of lecturing types, cooperative learning, discovery learning were applied to accomplish the Teaching and Learning model goals. For Teaching and Learning activities, various strategies and models were used to express the students' talents. These activities included experiments, exploration, application, estimation, guess, discussion (conjecture and refutation) reconsideration and so on. There were no mention to the students about evaluation and paper exams. While the program activities were being performed, educational goals and assessment methods were reflected, that is, products, performance assessment, and portfolio were mainly used rather than just paper assessment.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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