• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.40 no.9
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• pp.600-606
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• 2007

Background: Infective endocarditis shows high surgical mortality and morbidity rates, especially for aortic endocarditis. This study attempts to investigate the clinical characteristics and operative results of isolated aortic endocarditis. Material and Method: From July 1990 to May 2005, 25 patients with isolated aortic endocarditis (Group I, male female=18 : 7, mean age $43.2{\pm}18.6$ years) and 23 patients with isolated mitral endocarditis (Group II, male female=10 : 13, mean age $43.2{\pm}17.1$ years) underwent surgical treatment in our hospital. All the patients had native endocarditis and 7 patients showed a bicuspid aortic valve in Group I. Two patients had prosthetic valve endocarditis and one patients developed mitral endocarditis after a mitral valvuloplasty in Group II. Positive blood cultures were obtained from 11 (44.0%) patients in Group I, and 10 (43.3%) patients in Group II, The pre-operative left ventricular ejection fraction for each group was $60.8{\pm}8.7%$ and $62.1{\pm}8.1%$ (p=0.945), respectively. There was moderate to severe aortic regurgitation in 18 patients and vegetations were detected in 17 patients in Group I. There was moderate to severe mitral regurgitation in 19 patients and vegetations were found in 18 patients in Group II. One patient had a ventricular septal defect and another patient underwent a Maze operation with microwaves due to atrial fibrillation. We performed echocardiography before discharge and each year during follow-up. The mean follow-up period was $37.2{\pm}23.5$ (range $9{\sim}123$) months. Result: Postoperative complications included three cases of low cardiac output in Group I and one case each of re-surgery because of bleeding and low cardiac output in Group II. One patient died from an intra-cranial hemorrhage on the first day after surgery in Group I, but there were no early deaths in Group II. The 1, 3-, and 5-year valve related event free rates were 92.0%, 88.0%, and 88.0% for Group I patients, and 91.3%, 76.0%, and 76.0% for Group II patients, respectively. The 1, 3-, and 5-year survival rates were 96.0%, 96.0%, and 96.0% for Group I patients, and foo%, 84.9%, and 84.9% for Group II patients, respectively. Conclusion: Acceptable surgical results and mid-term clinical results for aortic endocarditis were seen.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.43-49
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• 1998

Purpose : Carcinomas arising in the gall bladder(GB) or extrahepatic biliary ducts are uncommon and generally have a poor prognosis. The overall 5-year survival rates are less than $10\%$. Early experiences with the external radiation therapy demonstrated a good palliation with occasional long-term survival. The present report describes our experience over the past decade with irradiation of primary carcinomas of the gallbladder and extrahepatic biliary duct. Materials and Methods : From Feb. 1984 to Nov. 1995, thirty-three patients with carcinoma of the GB and extrahepatic biliary duct were treated with external beam radiotherapy with curative intent at our institution. All patients were treated with 4-MV linear accelerator and radiation dose ranged from 31.44Gy to 54.87Gy(median 44.25Gy), and three Patients received additional intraluminal brachytherapy(range, 25Gy to 30Gy). Twenty-seven Patients received postoperative radiation. Among 27 patients, Sixteen patients underwent radical operation with curative aim and the rest of the patients either had bypass surgery or biopsy alone. In seventeen patients, adjuvant chemotherapy was used and eleven patients were treated with 5-FU, mitomycin and leucovorin. Results : Median follow up period was 8.5 months(range 2-97 months). The overall 2-year and 5-year survival rates in all patients were $29.9\%$ and $13.3\%$ respectively. In patients with GB and extrahepatic biliary duct carcinomas, the 2-year survival rates were $34.5\%$ and $27.8\%$ respectively. Patients who underwent radical operation showed better 2-year survival rates than those who underwent palliative operation($43.8\%\;vs.\;20.7\%$), albeit statistically insignificant(p>0.05). The 2-year survival rates in Stage I and II were higher than in Stage III and IV with statistical significance(p<0.05). Patients with good performance status in the beginning showed significantly better survival rates than those with worse status(p<0.05). The 2-year survival rates in combined chemotherapy group and radiation group were $40.5\%$ and $22.0\%$ respectively. There was no statistical differences in two groups (p>0.05). Conclusion : The survival of patients with relatively lower stage and/or initial good performance was significantly superior to that of others. We found an statistically insignificant trend toward better survival in patients with radical operation and/or chemotherapy, More radical treatment strategies, such as total resection with intensive radiation and/or chemotherapy may offer a better chance for cure in selective patients with carcinoma of gall bladder and extrahepatic biliary ducts.

• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.235-244
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• 1991

An epidemiological study and mass treatments of Enterobius vermicularis infection among children near Wonju area of Kangwon province were carried out. The children were divided into 4 groups according to their residing localities; children in the mountainous area, rural area, urban area and in orphanage. They were examined by adhesive cellotape anal swab technique, and egg positive rates were obtained. The rates of egg reduction and re-infection rates after repeated mass treatments were also observed. The results obtained were as follows: 1. The overall egg Positive rate of E. vermicularis in the first screening was 19.9% (251 out of 1, 262 examinees; 19.7% in males and 20.1% in females). The positive rates were 13.0% in the mountainous area, 11 9% in the rural area, 15.1% in the urban (medium-sized) area and 61.9% in orphanages. 2. The highest positive rates were observed in the kindergarten children, and 1st and 2nd grade children of primary schools (26.2~32.2%), and the lowest rate (13.6%) in 6-year grade children of primary schools. 3. Cumulative detection rates from 3 repeated anal swabs at 4~5 days interval were higher (70.8%) than those from single anal swabs (50.0~59.2%). 4. Out of the examinees who showed the highest cumulative positive rate (70.8%), about 39.2% were consecutively positive in 3 anal swabs. Among different groups of children, the higher the total egg detection rates (87.5%), the higher the consecutive positive rates (71.9%) . 5. A total of 2, 609 (male : female=1 : 12.4) worms were collected from 17 egg-positive cases treated with anthelinintics. The mean number of worms per child was 153 (range: 4-824) . 6. The egg-positive cases in several studied groups (180 children) were treated with anthelmintics 6 times at 3-week intervals. In this case, the overall positive rate was decreased from 54.8% to 2.2% at 15 weeks after the treatments, but no complete negative conversion was experienced. However, in a group of children (154 children) including egg Positive and negative cases who were both treated with anthelmintics at 3-week interval, a complete egg-negative conversion was observed in the 9th week after treatments. 7. The egg-detection rate in the brothers or sisters of egg Positive children was 70.0% (28 out of 40 examined), and the egg-positive rate according to the family unit was 69.7%. In summarizing the above results, it is concluded that Enterobius vermicularis infection is still highly prevalent among children in Korea, and that repeated mass treatments of more than 3 times will be effective for control of this infection.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

The Geomungo(거문고) is a instrument of Gogureoy(高句麗). The instrument had covered a lot of Korea, so it have become a important musical instrument in Korea. Hayasi Genjo(林謙三), Japanese scholar, had maintained his opinion that the Geomungo of Gogureoy is the Wagonghu(臥??), and the Geomungo was formed later, the record of Kimbusik, wrighter of the History of Three Kingdom(三國史記), was incredible. Lee-Hyegu refuted his hypothesis because the introduction on the Wagonghu of Japan have been inaccurate. Since then, many scholars of Korea have studed on the Geomungo of Gogureoy. But their study of the Geomungo was inclined to the topic, relation of the Geomungo and the Wagonghu, or the Wagonghu, the origin of the Geomungo. And They have thought that the record of Kimbusik's was truth. Kimbusik had recorded that Wangsanak(王山岳) had made the Geomungo from the Chilheoyn-Geum(七絃琴, Seven stringed Zither. 古琴). But the Geomungo was different from Geum(琴), but similar to Wagonghu. Many ancient tomb have been unearthed in the old land of Gogureoy, and the were many tomb painting of Gogureoy Geomungo. They were many different style, the form, the size, the number of strings and the position of the musician. So I think that many various type of the Geomungo had been exsited in Gogureoy they had become a prestyle of the Geomungo. The Geomungo was originated from the Wagonghu, its form was similar to the Geomungo. The many scholars considered that it is truth, the Wagonghu was handed down from China, and was spreded to Japan. But there were the Wagonghu in the early Joseon(古朝鮮), The song of the early Joseon, Gongmudohaga(公無渡河歌). The song was accompanied by the Wagonghu. We can read off, at the Song, the Wagonghu had exsisted in the early Joseon. So I think cautiously on that point, the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon was old than that of China, and thd Geomungo of Gogureoy was originated from the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.235-244
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• 1976

Following results are obtained by re-evaluating N. P. K. and soil improvement trials conducted from 1964 to 1969 in valley paddy soils in rolling lands (Jisan-series, imperfectly drained and Yongji-series, moderately well drained). 1. Average grain yield of rice in no fertilizer plots and the highest yield plots for Yongji-series (31 experiments) were 319 and 507kg/10a respectively, and that of Jisan-series (15 experiments) were 396 and 567kg/10a respectively. The fertility difference between two series may have been a result of the cultivation history. Jisan-series is a mature soil which has a long cultivation history and Yongji-series is sub-mature soil 2. Soil chemical characteristics for Jisan-series are charaterized by 12.8meq/100g in CEC, 6.5meq/100g in exchangeable Ca, 3.9% in OM, and 64 ppm in available $P_2O_5$ For Yongji-series they were 10.4meq/100g in CEC, 4.7meq/100g in exchangeable Ca, 3.2% in OM and 103ppm in available $P_2O_5$. 3. Deep plowing and application of organic matter and lime are expected to be effective in increasing fertility level of soils of Yongji-series. The same will be effective in some soils of Jisan series where the fertility level is low. 4. Jisan-series shows high response to nitrogen, while Yongji series shows sharp decrease in rice yield at the high levels of nitrogen. Both series, however, showed high response to nitrogen only when the OM level was higher than 3%. 5. The optimum level of nitrogen was 8~9kg for Jisan-series, and 10~11kg/10a for Yongji-series. The yield increase per kg of applied nitrogen was 12kg for Jisan-series and 13kg for Yongji series. 6. The optimum level of phosphorus at the optimum level of nitrogen was 6kg/10a for Yongji-series and 3kg/10a for Jisan-series. The optimum level of phosphorus, however, was different depending upon the nitrogen level. It was assumed that Yongji-series required more fertilizer (available $P_2O_5$ was 110ppm) than Jisan-series (available $P_2O_5$ was 64ppm) because the availability of P was higher in Jisan-series than Yongji-series due to the severe reduction of Jisan-series. 7. The response of potassium was also depending upon the nitrogen level. In Yongji-series the potassium response at 8kg/10a nitrogen level decreased with increasing levels of potassium, but the higher level of introgen, potassium response was also higher. In Jisan-series potassium response was recognized at all nitrogen levels. The optimum level of potassium at the optimum level of nitrogen was 8kg/10a in both serieses. 8. The reasonable ratio of NPK fertilizer seems to be 1:0.6:0.6:for Yongji-series and 1:0.4:1 for Jisan-series as N:$P_2O_5$:K.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.163-206
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• 2010

Um die Jahrhundertwende des 20. Jahrhunderts besinnt sich Theater als ein Kunstwerk auf seine eigene $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, $K{\ddot{o}}rper$, Raum und Zeit. Die Existenzweise des Theaterkunstwerks ist $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$. Die Kennzeichen der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ ist Transitorik, Unmittelbarkeit und Ereignishaftigkeit. $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ der Theaterwissenschaft als Disziplin wird lange Zeit $vernachl{\ddot{a}}ssigt$, weil $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ ein Opfer der Zeit ist. Angesichts der $Auf{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ $mu{\ss}$ man eine Invariante zur $Verf{\ddot{u}}gung$ stellen, um einen Gegenstand zu analysieren. Die Inszenierung als ${\ddot{a}}sthetischer$ Gegenstand ist einmalig und unwiederbringlich. Das $B{\ddot{u}}hnengeschehen$ ist materielle $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, die von dem Zuschauer sinnlich - optisch und akustisch - erfahren wird. Die Inszenierung realisiert sich in 'drei $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalten$': 'Intendierte $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$', 'realen $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$' und 'vermeinte $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$'. Die $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ konkretisiert sich im Kopf des Zuschauers nicht als eine reale $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$, sondern als ein '${\ddot{a}}sthetisches$ Objekt', 'als Abdruck der $B{\ddot{u}}hnenvorg{\ddot{a}}nge$'. Der Platz des $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalytikers$ ist der des Zuschauers, des Rezipienten. Die ${\ddot{a}}sthetische$ $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$ ist eine Rekonstruktion der selektiven wahrgenommenden $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$, die der 'realen $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$' ${\ddot{a}}hnelt$. Diese Rekonstruktion als neue $Sch{\ddot{o}}pfung$ des Rezipienten ist "Simulacrum", das der dem Objekt $hinzugef{\ddot{u}}gte$ Intellekt ist. Der Begriff der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ wird Synonym $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Interpretation als hermeneutischer $Proze{\ss}$. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ die Methode der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ gibt es Strukturanalyse und Transformationsanalyse. Strukturanalyse geht $ausschlie{\ss}lich$ von der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ aus. Transformationsanalyse geht von der Transformation des Textes aus. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ diese Arbeit steht dramaturgische Analyse von Shakespeares Romeo und Julia als erste Grundlage. Die Handlungsentwicklung von Romeo und Julia ist klar in '$f{\ddot{u}}nf$ Akte' eingeteilt, die insgesamt aus 24 Szenen bestehen. Die Gesamthandlung von Romeo und Julia baut sich $pyramidenf{\ddot{o}}rmig$ nach dem Schema der steigenden und fallenden Handlung auf: Exposition/ Ausgangssituation (bis zur ersten Begegnung des Liebespaares auf dem Fest), erregendes Moment als Steigerung (von der Verliebtheit bis zur $Eheschlie{\ss}ung$), Wendepunkt/ Peripetie (Mercutios Tod), retardierendes Moment (Julias Scheintod) und Katastrophe (Vereinigung im Grabe). Die Handlung des $St{\ddot{u}}ckes$ gliedert sich in eine Haupt- und eine Nebenhandlung: dominierend ist die Liebeshandlung zwischen Romeo und Julia, daneben steht die Entwicklung der Fehde zwischen den Familien von Montague und Capulet; sie sind 'sich gegenseitig bedingend, steigernd, hemmend und vernichtend'. Parallelisierung und Kontrast der Figurenkonstellation werden in den jeweils sozial oder im Alter entsprechenden Figuren aus den beiden verfeindeten Familien gezeigt. Die Thematik des $St{\ddot{u}}ckes$ kommt in dem Oxymoron "loving hate" (I.1.175) zum Ausdruck. Shakespeare $l{\ddot{a}}sst$ die Liebeshandlung von Romeo und Julia in der Art der de casibus-$Trag{\ddot{o}}die$ spielen; deren Handlungsmuster ist 'dargestellt im Rad der Fortuna, das einen Menschen $emportr{\ddot{a}}gt$ und wieder $abst{\ddot{u}}rzen$ $l{\ddot{a}}sst$'. Das $St{\ddot{u}}ck$ Romeo und Julia ist eine experimentelle $Trag{\ddot{o}}die$. Es beginnt als $Kom{\ddot{o}}die$ mit $Z{\ddot{u}}gen$ einer Romanze, die sich aus dem Motiv der privaten Liebe und Heirat entwickelt. Pater Lorenzo und die Amme treten mit Lorenzos Wissen von der magischen Kraft der $Kr{\ddot{a}}uter$ und der $Geschw{\ddot{a}}tzigkeit$ der Amme $h{\ddot{a}}ufig$ in der $Kom{\ddot{o}}die$ auf. Die Handlung von Romeo und Julia erreicht mit Mercutios Tod den Wendepunkt, der die komische Welt zur tragischen umwandelt. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ die Sprache gibt es Prosa der Diener wie die Alltagssprache der einfachen Leute und zugleich Verse der Adeligen. Shakespeare verwendet eine kontrastreiche Metaphorik $f{\ddot{u}}r$ Raum und Zeit. Dreimal geschehen am Tag die $K{\ddot{a}}mpfe$ der verfeindeten Familien auf den ${\ddot{o}}ffentlichen$ $Pl{\ddot{a}}tzen$. Der Tag wirft ein Licht auf den Hass und die Gewalt. Die Nacht aber ist die $Sph{\ddot{a}}re$ der Liebe, wo Romeo und Julia ihre heimliche Verbindung verborgen halten $k{\ddot{o}}nnen$. Die Liebenden treffen sich in der Nacht und in dem ummauerten Raum. Oh, Tae-Suks "Romeo und Julia" wird in der Form des Madangguks gestaltet. Die Handlung in Oh, Tae- Suks Textfassung ist also nicht nach dem Prinzip der $Kausalit{\ddot{a}}t$ und Folgerichtigkeit zu lesen wie im Shakespeare-Drama. Wegen dem Ignorieren der $Kausalit{\ddot{a}}t$ des Handlungsablaufes und dem Fehlen der Motivation der Handlung ergibt sich hier keine individuelle psychologische Figurencharakterisierung. Die Figuren sind typisiert. Die koreanische Textfassung mit den extremen textlichen $Verk{\ddot{u}}rzungen$ und den zwei szenischen $Hinzuf{\ddot{u}}gungen$ $pr{\ddot{a}}gt$ die Inszenierung dahingehend, dass an die Stelle der Wortsprache mehr $K{\ddot{o}}rpersprache$ und szenische Bilder treten. Die langen Sprechpartien der Figuren im Shakespeare-Drama werden meistens $gek{\ddot{u}}rzt$ und $beschr{\ddot{a}}nken$ sich entweder auf Informationen ${\ddot{u}}ber$ die Situation oder zur Handlungsentwicklung. Und der Handlungsablauf erfolgt in Episoden sowie Musik, Lied und Tanz; Musik, Lied und Tanz dienen einerseits dem ${\ddot{U}}bergang$ der Szenen, sind aber andererseits auch selbst Teil des Handlungsablaufs. $W{\ddot{a}}hrend$ Shakespeare die Sprache der $W{\ddot{o}}rter$ in den Vordergrund $r{\ddot{u}}ckt$, $st{\ddot{u}}tzt$ Oh, Tae-Suk sich mehr auf die Sprache des $K{\ddot{o}}rpers$, die ja zugleich bildhaft ist. $Daf{\ddot{u}}r$ nimmt die Inszenierung Tanz und Lieder. Oh, Tae-Suks Inszenierung entwirft Shakespeares $Trag{\ddot{o}}die$ in der Form des Madangguks als Spiel und zugleich als erkennentnisorientiertes, nachdenkliches Theater $f{\ddot{u}}r$ den koreanischen Zuschauer, das dem traditionellen koreanischen Theater als Unterhaltungstheater nicht $m{\ddot{o}}glich$ ist, in dem sich das Volk von der Wirklichkeit erleichterte und sich $vergn{\ddot{u}}gte$. Oh, Tae-Suk formt das Publikum zum 'Wir' und zugleich zum 'Ich'. Mit dem Zusammensein der $v{\ddot{o}}llig$ andernen Theaterkulturen schafft der Reigisseur das hybride Theater und dadurch bildet $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die moderne koreanische Gesellschaft eine neue kulturelle $Identit{\ddot{a}}t$ heraus.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.178-199
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• 2011

The ancient tombs found in Bokcheon-dong, Busan originate from the time between the $4^{th}$ and $5^{th}$ centuries, the period of the Three Nations. They are known as the tombs where the Vertical Plate Armour was mainly buried. In 2006, two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were additionally investigated in the tombs No.164 and No.165 which had been constructed at the end of the eastern slope near the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong. Throughout this study, the contents of the two units of the Vertical Plate Armour, whose preservation process has been completed, have been arranged, while the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century has been observed through the consideration of the burial pattern. The units of the Vertical Plate Armour from the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be classified as the IIa-typed armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns, according to the attribute of the manufacturing technology. Also, they can be chronologically recorded as those from the early period of Stage II among the three stages regarding the chronological recording of the Vertical Plate Armour. While more than two units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried in the largesized tomb on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs, one unit of the Vertical Plate Armour was buried in the small-sized tomb. By considering such a trend, it can be said that in the stage of burying the armor showing the Gyeongju and Ulsan patterns (I-type and IIa-type), different units of the Vertical Plate Armour were buried according to the size of the tomb. However, as the armor showing the Busan pattern (IIb-type) was settled, only one unit was buried. Meanwhile, the tombs No.164 and No.165 can be included in the wooden chamber tomb showing the Gyeongju pattern, which is a slender rectangular wooden chamber tomb with the aspect ratio of more than 1:3. However, according to the trend shown by the buried earthenware, it can be said that there seem to be common types and patterns shared with the earthenware which has been found in the area of Gimhae and is called the one showing the Geumgwan Gaya pattern. In other words, there seem to be close relationships between the subject tombs and the tomb No.3 in Gujeong-dong and the tomb No.55 in Sara-ri, Gyeongju, regarding the types of armor and tombs and the arrangement of buried artifacts. However, the buried earthenware shows a relationship with the areas of Busan and Gimhae. By considering the combined trend of the Gyeongju and Gimhae elements found in one tomb, it is possible to assume that the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong used to be actively related with both areas. It has been thought that the Vertical Plate Armour used to be the exclusive property of the upper hierarchy until now, since it was buried in the large-sized tomb located on the top of the hill of the group of ancient tombs in Bokcheondong. However, as shown in case of the tombs No.164 and No.165, it has been verified that the Vertical Plate Armour was also buried in the small-sized tomb in terms of such factors as locations, sizes, the amount of buried artifacts and the qualitative aspect. Therefore, it is impossible to discuss the hierarchical characteristic of the tomb just based on the buried units of the Vertical Plate Armour. Also, it is difficult to assume that armor used to symbolize the domination of the military forces. The hierarchical characteristic of the group of constructed ancient tombs in Bokcheon-dong from the $4^{th}$ century can be verified according to the location and size of each tomb. As are sult, the re seem to be some differences regarding the buried units of the vertical plate armour. However, it would be necessary to carry out amore multilateral examination in order to find out whether the burial of the vertical plate armour could be regarded as the artifact which symbolizes the status or class of the deceased.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.72-105
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• 2011

This study explores the value of the Dicentra spectabilis community as a nature reserve in provincial forests at San 1-2, Daea-ri, Dongsang-myeon, Wanju-gun, Jellabuk-do, also known as Gamakgol, while defining the appropriateness of its living environment and eventually providing basic information to protect this area. For these reasons, we investigated 'morphological and biological features of Dicentra spectabilis' and the 'present situation and problems of designing a herbaceous nature reserve in Korea.' Furthermore, we researched and analyzed the solar, soil and vegetation condition here through a field study in order to comprehend its nature reserve value. The result is as follows. According to the analytic result for information on the domestic wild Dicentra spectabilis community, it is evenly spread throughout mountainous areas, and there is one particularly outstanding in size in Wanju Gamakgol. Upon the findings from literature and the field study about its dispersion, Gamakgol has been discovered as an ideal district for Dicentra spectabilis since it meets all the conditions this plant requires to grow vigorously, such as a quasi-high altitude and rich precipitation during its period of active growth duration in May. Dicentra spectabilis grows in rocky soil ranging from 300~375m above sea level, 344.5m on average, towards the north, northwest and dominantly in the northeast. The mean inclination degree is $19.5^{\circ}$. Also, upon findings from analyzing solar conditions, the average light intensity during its growth duration, from Apr. to Aug., is 30,810lux on average and it tends to increase, as it gets closer to the end. This plant requires around 14,000~18,000lux while growing, but once bloomed, fruits develop regardless of the degree of brightness. The soil pH has shown a slight difference between the topsoil, at 5.2~6.1, and subsoil, at 5.2~6.2. Its mean pH is 5.54 for topsoil and 5.58 for subsoil. These results are very typical for Dicentra spectabilis to grow in, and other comparative areas also present similar conditions. Given the facts, the character of the soil in Gamakgol has been evaluated to have high stability. Analysis of its vegetation environment shows a wide variation of taxa numbering from 13 to 52 depending on area. The total number of taxa is 126 and they are a homogenous group while showing a variety of species as well. The Dicentra spectabilis community in the Daea-ri Arboretum is an herbaceous community consisting of dominantly Dicentra spectabilis, Cardamine leucantha, Boehmeria tricuspi and Impatiens textori while having many differential species such as Impatiens textori, Pueraria thunbergiana, Rubus crataegifolius vs Staphylea bumalda, Securinega suffruticosa, and Actinidia polygama. It suggests that it is a typical subcolony divided by topographic features and soil humidity. Considering the above results on a comprehensive level, this area is an excellent habitat for wild Dicentra spectabilis providing beautiful viewing enjoyment. Additionally, it is the largest wild colony of Dicentra spectabilis in Korea whose climate, topography, soil conditions and vegetation environment can secure sustainability as a wild habitat of Dicentra spectabilis. Therefore, We have determined that the Gamakgol community should be re-examined as natural asset owing to its established habitat conditions and sustainability.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.1-34
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• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.