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A Study on the Contents Analysis of Safety Education in Elementary School : Focusing on Comparison with the Needs of Students (초등학교 안전교육 내용분석연구)

  • 김탁희;이명선
    • Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.45-63
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    • 2001
  • The objective of this study is to give basic materials for selection and improvement of contents of safety education, which is substantially helpful to elementary students, by analysis of contents of safety education in some subjects and assessment of the needs of elementary students for safety education. For this purpose, this study was analyzed the contents of safety education in five subjects for elementary school and conducted the survey of 883 students in some elementary schools in Seoul from April 7 to 22, 2000. The results were as follows; 1. As a result of analysis of the proportion of contents regarding safety-related education in some subjects, Physical Education occupied the highest proportion (14.09%), and that was followed by Practical Subject (9.55%) and Moral Education (9.34%). However, the proportions in Social Study and Natural Science were very low, 1.85% and 1.31% each. In total lines of these five subjects, the numbers of line regarding safety education was contained by 5.78%. 2. Analyzing the proportion of domains of safety education in five textbooks, the Meaning of Safety and Basic Principles occupied the highest portion (29.5%), and that was followed by the Home Safety (24.0%), the Safety in School (17.1%), and the Play and Leisure Safety (14.0%). The Coping with Accidents and First Aid, the Safety from Fire and Explosion, and the Traffic Safety occupied relatively low portion, 6.9%, 5.7%, and 2.8% each. 3. As a result of analysis of the proportion of the safety education domain in each subject, the Meaning of Safety and Basic Principles occupied the highest portion (23.6%) in Moral Education, the Home Safety (12.7%) in Practical Subject, and the Play and Leisure Safety (10.9%) in Physical Education. 4. Most of the participants in this survey experienced the Home Accidents (71.1%). And also, they experienced the Play and Leisure Accidents (57.9%), the Accidents in School (49.7%), the Traffic Accidents (45.3%), and the Fire and Explosion Accidents (24.7%) in order. 5. In the average proportion of the needs of participants for safety education in each domain, the Coping with Accidents and First Aid has the highest point (4.05). And, that was followed by the Home safety (3.79), the Safety from Fire and Explosion (3.73), the Meaning of Safety and Basic Principles (3.65), the Play and Leisure Safety (3.50), the Safety in School (3.37), and the Traffic Safety (3.35). The average proportion of the needs for safety education of total domains was 3.66. 6. In the needs for safety education regarding the feature of participants, it showed higher scores in female students than male ones (p〈0.001), in lower grader than higher grader (p〈0.05), and in the students born to wealth than those born poor (p〈0.05). Also, the children who recognize the necessity of safety education showed higher scores of the needs for safety education (p〈0.001). And it also showed the same results of high score to the children whose parents did the safety education (p〈0.00l) and to the children and their parents who have the higher degree of practicing safety (p〈0.001), and these differences were statistically significant. 7. In the extent of preference for methods of safety education, it showed high score to the Field Learning, followed by the Audio- Visual Education, the Discussion, and the Instruction of teacher. In the extent of preference for subjects regarding the contents of safety education by each domain, it showed high score to the subject of Safety for 4 domains - the Meaning of Safety and Basic Principles, the Traffic Safety, the Safety from Fire and Explosion, and the Coping with Accidents and First Aid. And also, they preferred Moral Education for 2 domains - the Home safety and the Safety in School, and Physical Education for a domain of the Play and Leisure Safety. 8. While 27 of 36 detail items was contained the contents of safety education, the proportion of needs of participants for safety education showed more than average 3.00 score in 34 of 36 detail items. However, none of 9 detail items was included in five textbooks. Also, 2 detail items - the Coping with Disasters and the Safety from Poisoning - were included together 2 parts; One part had the higher ranked 7 items acquired by analysis of the needs, and the other had the higher ranked 7 items acquired by analysis of the contents. But, except those 2 items, none of items were matched with each part.

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Comparative analysis of RN-BSN Program in Korea and U. S. A. (간호학사 편입학제도의 교과과정 비교분석)

  • Lee Ok-Ja;Kim Hyun-Sil
    • The Journal of Korean Academic Society of Nursing Education
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    • v.3
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    • pp.99-116
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    • 1997
  • In response of the increasing demand for professional degree in nursing, some university in Korea offers RN-BSN program for R. N. from diploma in nursing. However, RN-BSN program in Korea is in formative period. Therefore, the purpose of this survey study is for the comparative analysis of RN-BSN curriculum in Korea and U.S.A. In this study, subjects consisted of 18 department of nursing in university and 5 RN-BSN programs in Korea and 18 department of nursing in university and 12 RN-BSN programs in U.S.A. For earn the degree of Bachelor of Science in Nursing, the student earns 134 of mean credits in U.S.A., whereas 150.3 of mean credits in Korea. The mean credit for clinical pratice is 30.1 in U.S.A., whereas 23.9 in Korea. Students are assigned to individually planned clinical experiences under the direction of a preceptor in U.S.A. In RN-BSN program, total mean credits through lecture and clinical practice for earn the degree of BSN is 35.5(lecture : 27.7, practice ; 7.8)in U.S.A., whereas,48.1 (lecture;42.1, practice;6.0) in Korea. RN-BSN program can be taken on a full-or-part time basis in U.S.A., whereas didn't in Korea. Especially, emphasis is place on the advanced nursing practicum that focus on the role of the professional nurse in providing health care to individuals, families, and groups in community setting in U.S.A. 27.7 of mean credits was earned through lecture in U.S.A., whereas 42.1 of mean credits in Korea. It means that RN-BSN program in Korea is the lesser development in teaching method and appraisal method than in U.S.A. Students of RN-BSN program in U.S.A. can earns credit through CLEP, NLN achievement test, portfolio review session etc as well as lecture. Therefore, the authors suggests some recommendations for the development of curriculum of RN-BSN program in Korea based on comparative analysis of RN-BSN curricula in U.S.A. and Korea. 1. The curriculum of RN-BSN Program in nursing was required to do some alterations. Nursing care, today, is complex and ever changing. According to change of public need, RN-BSN curriculum intensified primary care program in community setting, geriatric nursing, marketing skill, computer language. 2. The various and new methods of earning credit should be developed. That is, the students will earn credits through the transfer of previous nursing college credits, accredited examination of university, advanced placement examination, portfolio review session, case study, report, self-directed learning and so on. Flexible teaching place should ile offered. 3. Flexible teaching place should be offered. The RN-BSN curriculum should accommodate each RN student's geographical needs and school/work schedule. Therefore, the university should search a variety of teaching places and the RN students can obtain their degrees comfortably throughout the teaching place such as lecture room inside the health care agency and establishment of the branch school in each student's residence area. 4. The RN-BSN program should offer a long distance education to place-bound RN student in many parts of Korea. That is, from the main office of university, the RN-BSN courses are delivered to many areas by Internet, EdNet (satellite telecommunication) and other non-traditional methods. 5. For allowing RN student to take nursing courses, program length should be various, depending upon the student's study/work schedule. That is, the various term systems such as semester, three terms, quarter systems and the student's status like full time or part time should be considered. Therefore, the student can take advantage of the many other educational and professional opportunities, making them available during the school year.

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A Comparative Study on the Dietary Culture Consciousness and Their Consumption Attitude of Traditional Foods between Korean and Japanese Women (한국과 일본여성의 식문화 의식과 전통식품 소비실태 비교 연구)

  • Koh, Kyung-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.333-345
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    • 2003
  • We conducted a survey on Japanese women's consciousness of food culture and their traditional food consumption by self filling-out questionnaire during January, 2000 for the period of a month, For the survey we selected 250 women residing in Kyoto, Japan. For the statistic work we used SAS package system, and t-test, $\cal{X}^2-test$ and Duncan's multiple range test were also used to verify the results significance. The purpose of this survey lies in gathering a basic data on the comparative direction of Korean and Japanese women's food culture in the future 1. Comparing the preferred food purchase place, In case of Korean women, traditional market was comparatively more preferred while Japanese women relatively preferred convenience store (p<0.001). 2. In case of Japanese women, they answered there is no difference from ordinary days on New Year's Day (71%) and Christmas (40%) while 38% answered they prepare food at home. 40% said they prepare food on parents-in-law's birthday, and 41% said no difference from ordinary days. 52% said they prepare food at home on husband's birthday. For their own birthday, 32% said yes to preparing food at home while 45% said no difference and 22.3% said eating out. For children's birthday 65% said preparing at home, 16.3% said no difference and 14.9% said eating out. 3. Comparing the conception on traditional food, Korean women answered 'complicated' (77%) most while 'simple' (5%) least, which indicates their demands for simplified recipes. In case of Japanese women, 'complicated' (44%) was most while 'scientific' (6%) was least which indicates their demands for scientific way of recipes. There were differences shown by age (p<0.001) and the older the more said 'simple' or 'logical' (p<0.01). 4. As the reason for the complicity of traditional food recipes, Koreans said 'too many hand skill' (60%) most while 'too many spices' (8%) least. For Japanese, 'various kind of the recipe' (55%) was most while 'too many hand skill' (7%) was least. There were significant differences shown by academic background (p<0.01) and income(p<0.01), and the lower the academic background, the more said 'too many spices' as the reason for the complicity in making traditional food. Generally, the lesser the income, the more tendency to say 'various kinds of the recipe'. 5. In case of Koreans, 'the recipe is difficult' (56%) was high while 'uninterested' (9%) was low in answer which showed differences by academic background (p<0.05), and in case of Japanese, 'no time to cook' (44%) was high while 'uninterested' (7%) was low. 6. The following is the reasons for choosing traditional food as a snack for children. In case of Koreans, they answered as 'traditional food' (34%), 'made from nutrious and quality materials' (27%), 'for education' (22%) and 'suites their taste' (17%) revealing 'traditional food' is highest. In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of 'made from nutrious and quality materials' (36.3%), 'traditional food' (25.2%), 'suites their taste' (22.6%), 'for education' (12.8%) and 7. Comparing the most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world, Koreans answered 'taste and nutrition' (45%) most while 'shape and color' (6%) least. In case of Japanese, 'taste and nutrition' (75%) was answered most while 'hygienic packaging' (4%) was least. Both considered 'taste and nutrition' as most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world. 8. In case of Koreans, they answered they learn how to make traditional food 'from mother' (47%), 'media' (18%), 'school' (15%), 'from mother-in-law' (14%), 'private cooking school' (4%) and 'close acquaintances' (2%). In case of Japanese, they said mostly learn 'from mother', but it was also shown that the lower the academic background the lesser the tendency of learning 'from mother' but 'from school' (p<0.001). 9. About the consumption of traditional fermented food, Koreans said they make kimchi (90%), pickled vegetables (39%), soy sauce (33%), bean paste (38%), salted fishery (12%) and traditional liquors (14%) at home while 67% for salted fishery and 48% for traditional liquors answered they buy rather than making at home. On the other hand, Japanese answered they mostly buy kimchi (60%), soy sauce (96%), bean paste(91%), natto(92%), salt fermented fish foods (77%) and traditional alcoholic beverage (88%) to eat. This difference was shown very distinct between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001). 10. About the most important thing in food, Koreans answered in the order of 'liking and satisfaction' (33%), 'for health' (32%), 'for relieve hunger' (18%) and 'convenience' (17%). In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of 'for health' (61%), 'liking and satisfaction' (20%), 'to relieve hunger' (16%) and 'convenience' (3%). This shows that Japanese women take comparably more importance to health than Korean women. The conception of food was shown different between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001), and Koreans showed level 4-5 of food culture while Japanese showed level 5.

A Descriptive Study of Oral Health Knowledge & Behaviors in Middle School Students (일부지역 중학생의 구강건강 지식 및 행동에 관한 조사연구)

  • Yoo, Jung-Sook;Kim, Jung-Hee;Han, Su-Jin;Sim, Sang-Hyo;Kim, Yoon-Shin
    • The Journal of Korean Society for School & Community Health Education
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.85-97
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    • 2008
  • Objectives: This study was designed to understand the oral health knowledge & conduct of middle-school students, search for the learning objective and the educational method in line with the subjects and of utilizing as the basic data for an effective oral health-care program. Methods: The samples to achieve the purpose of this research are composed of 139 students in middle-school, OO county. Chungcheongbuk-do, the number of male students 64, and female students 75. Data were statistically analyzed by frequency analysis, $x^2$-test or Fisher's exact test by using SPSS WIN Ver. 12.0. Results: Among items on oral-health knowledge in middle-school students. the awareness ratio on a cause and preventive method for oral disease was surveyed to be lower than the awareness ratio on symptoms of oral disease. As a result of examining by comparing knowledge and behavior on the time of tooth brush. both awareness and behavior were the level of 50% or less than it. In particular, 46.2% perceived after lunch. but practice just accounted for 33.0%. The frequency of tooth brush a day was the largest in a case(47.5%) of doing twice a day. However. there was also the response (5.8%) with saying of brushing once or not brushing even once. Thus, the practice of tooth brush was surveyed to be very low even if being a minority of students. The frequency of taking a light meal was 68.8% in less than twice a day. However, even students of taking more than five times were surveyed to be 9.8%. Out of the whole-body health in over 50%-59.9%. the oral health was surveyed to be perceived to be very important. Compared to the awareness level on importance of a tooth, the ratio of visiting a dentistry was analyzed to be very low. Conclusions: The study results suggest that the school oral-health project was examined to have the necessity of being expanded and carried out even in middle-and-high schools, by which the specific oral-health promotion program including oral-health education in this period is developed.

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An Historical Reconsideration of Korean Presidential Security Service during the 1st and 2nd Republic: Focused on the Chief of the Presidential Security, the Law of Presidential Security Special Order, Presidential Security Organization (제1⋅2공화국 대통령 경호의 역사적 재조명: 경호책임자, 대통령경호특별수칙, 대통령경호대를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Eun-Jung
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.47
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    • pp.37-59
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    • 2016
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate about security service history during the 1st and 2nd Republic. The 3rd Republic, one of the important periods, deserves special emphasis until now. But Compared with 1st and 2nd Republic, the 3rd Republic is inferior. Although security service history excluded the 1st and 2nd Republic. This research focused on the two points about the chief of the presidential security and the law of presidential security special order. Firstly, the chiefs of the presidential security in 1st Republic were Kim, Jang-Heung Seo, Jung-Hak Kim, Kuk-Jin Kwak, Young-Joo. Secondly, The law of presidential security special order be specified in Korean presidential security for the first time. Before the 1st Republic already recognized the importance of security services when they adopted the first security service regulations on December 29, 1949, which comprised 25 articles. But this law was only focused on presidential security and promulgated the law more than 10 years ago than law of the office of the Presidential Security in 1963. Deplorable in this law was declared by statute on July 7, 1953 from the 1st Republic, but repealed in 1960 after the 2nd Republic. Thirdly, 2nd Republic established the presidential security organization with the new government has been formed. In spite of this organization can not be kept for a long time, 2nd Republic attempted to professional forms of presidential security organization. The research of secret service history must continue to advance for academical learning.

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Nutrient Intake Status of Male and Female University Students in Chuncheon Area (춘천지역 남녀 대학생들의 영양소 섭취 상태)

  • Kim, Yoon-Sun;Kim, Bok-Ran
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.44 no.12
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    • pp.1856-1864
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    • 2015
  • The purpose of this study was to investigate the nutrient intake status of university students in Chuncheon area (175 males and 131 females). This study was conducted by employing a self-administered questionnaire. Dietary assessment was measured by a 24-h recall method. The average height and weight of male students were $175.2{\pm}6.2cm$ and $68.2{\pm}9.9kg$, respectively. For female students, average values were $161.7{\pm}5.2cm$ and $55.1{\pm}6.5kg$, respectively. The mean BMIs for both male and female students were 22.2 and 21.1, respectively. In both male and female students, the rate of skipping breakfast was high. Daily averages for energy, carbohydrates, protein, and fat intakes in male students were significantly higher than those of female students (P<0.001). For male students, protein, vitamin B1, P, Fe, and Na were above recommended nutrient intake and adequate intake, whereas for female students, they were protein, vitamin A, P, and Na. For male students, nutrient intakes for Ca, vitamin $B_2$, vitamin C, and vitamin $B_6$ were below the estimated average requirement (EAR) by at least 50% or more, whereas for female students, they were vitamin C, Fe, vitamin $B_6$, vitamin $B_2$, niacin, folate, and Ca. Ca was alarmingly low, with more than 75% of both male and female students showing levels below the EAR. Therefore, it is important that nutritional education be facilitated for college students to take responsibility of their own health through learning about nutrient intake as well as developing positive eating habits.

An experimental study on the impact of an agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period of primiparous mothers and enhance their self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance (산욕초기 초산모의 간호목표달성방번 합의가 어머니 역할수행에 대한 자신감 및 만족도에 미치는 영향에 관한 실험적 연구)

  • 이영은
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.81-115
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    • 1992
  • The problem addressed by this study was to determine the effect of nurse - patient agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period of primiparous mothers. It was hypothesized that the experimental treatment would result in hegher self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance. This purpose was to contribute to the planning of nursing care to enhance self- confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance and to the development of relevant nursing theory. Especially, the early postpartum period is crucial toward in recovery from childbirth and attainment of the maternal role. Maternal role attaintment is a complex social and cognitive process of stimulus -response accomplished by learning. Most women attain the maternal role sucessfully. But, some primiparous mothers experience difficultites in attainment of the maternal role due to lack of experience and knowledge. Self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance are important factors in attainment and adjustment to the maternal role (Mercer, 1981a, 1981b ; Lederman, Weigarten, and Lederman, 1981 :Bobak and Jensen, 1985). Nursing is defined as behaviors of nurses add patients that attain nursing goals through action, reaction, interaction, and transaction. For attainment of nursing goals, active participating transactions must occur by agreement on the means to achieve those goals through nurse -patient mutual goal setting and establishment of their active relationships(King, 1981, Ha, 1977). Based on King's theory of goal attainment (1981), this stuy was planned as a non-equivalent control group, non -synchronized quasi -experimental design using agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in early postpartum as the experimental treatment. The data were collected from July 20 to Sep. 1, 1991 by questionnaires with 60 primiparous mothers planing to breast feed after normal deliveries at W hospital in Pusan, Korea. The subjects were divided into a control group(conventional group) -those admitted from July 20 to Aug. 12, and an experimental group(agreement group) - those admitted from Aug. 13 to Sep. 1. The instument for agreement on the means to nursing goals in the early postpartum period included five steps - identification of disturbances of problems through action, reaction, and interaction with primiparous mothers : mutual early postpartal nursing goal setting : exploration of the means to achieve goals ; agreement on the means (self- care, ealry maternal -infant contact, performance of mothering behavior, and communicating about the infant's behavior and health condition) : implementation of the means. This instrument was developed on the basis of King's elements that lead to transactions in nurse-patient interactions. Lederman et al's (1981) scale for Confidence in ability to cope with tasks of motherhood and Lederman et al's(1981) scale for Mother's satisfaction with motherhood and infant care were used to measure self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance ·with the subjects immediately after admission and on the day of discharge. Self-care performance in the experimental group was measured by self -evaluation tool developed by the investigator from the literature concerned. The tools to measure Pelf-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance, and the tool to measure self-evaluation of self-care performance were tested for internal reliability. Cronbach's Alphas were 0.94, 0.94, and 0.63. The data were analysed by using in S.P.S.S. computerized program and included percentage, x²-test, t-test, ANOVA, and Pearson Correlation Coefficient. The conclusions obtained from this study are summerized as follows : 1. The degree of self-confidence in maternal role performance of the total subjects group measured before the experimental treatment was above average with a mean score of 2.77(range 2.14-3.64). Out of 14 items, those with relatively high mean scores were ‘I would like to be a better mother than I am’(3.95), and ‘I have my doubts about whether I am a good mother’(2.87). Those with low mean scores were ‘I know that my baby wants most of the times’(2.28), ‘When the baby cries, I can tell what she /he wants’(2.37), and ‘I have confidence in my ability to care for the baby’(2;50). That is, the self - confidence of Primiparous mothers was considerably high in mothering, but rather low in activities concerning the infant care and understanding of the infant behavior. The degree of satisfaction in maternal role performance of the total subjects group measured before the experimental treatment was high with a mean score of 3.18(range 1.92-3.92). Out of 13 items, those with relatively high mean scores were ‘I am glad 1 had this baby now’(3.75), ‘I play with the baby between feedings when s/he is awake and quiet’(3.67), and ‘I enjoy being a mother’(3.27). Those with low mean scores were ‘I am upset about having too many responsibilities as a mother’(2.78), ‘It bothers me to get up for the baby at night’(2.82), and ‘I get annoyed if the baby frequently interrupts my activities’.(2.82), That is, the satisfaction of primiparous mothers was considerably high in mothering and infant care, but rather low in restraints in time or on the mother's self accomplishment and development. 2. Agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period included process of mutual goal setting, exploration of the means to achieve goals, and ahreement in concert means to achieve goals based on the mothers' condition, concerns, self-perception of the nurse - patient interactions. In the process of agreement, there was agreement that the means to achieve goals should be through trust and establishment of active relationships with the nurse through identification of problems according to planned nursing goals and active interaction, such as explanations, teaching, changing of opinions, acceptance or rejection of explanations, and proposing of questions. Therefore agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period appears to be an effective nursing intervention for primiparous mothers. 3. The degree of self- confidence in maternal role performance of the exprimental group was higher than that of the control group(t=3.95, p<0.01). Out of 14 items, those with higher score in the experimental group were ‘I would like to be a better mother than I am’(t=1.93, p<0.05), ‘I know that my baby wants most of the times’(t=2.75, p<0.01), ‘When the baby cries, 1 can tell what she/he wants’(t=2.10, p<0.05), ‘I have confidence in my ability to care for the baby’(t=3.72, p<0.01), ‘I trust my own judement in deciding how to care for the baby’(t=1.96, p<0.05), ‘I feel that I know my baby and what to do for him /her’(t=2.44, p<0.01), ‘I am concerned about being able to meet the baby's needs’(t=2.87, p<0.01), ‘I know what my baby likes and dislikes’(t=3.26, p<0.01), ‘I don't know to care for the baby as well as I should’(t=2.07, p<0.05), and ‘I am unsure about whether I give enough attention to the baby’(t=3.04, p<0.01), That is, the degree of self-confidence in mothering, activities concerning infant care, and understanding of infant behavior of the experimental group was higher than that of the control group. Therefore, the first hypothesis, that the degree of self-confidence in maternal role performance of the experimental group would be higher than that of the control group, was supported(t=3.95, p<0.01). 4. The degree of satisfaction in the maternal role performance of the exprimental group was higer than that or the control group(t=2.31, p<0.05). Out of 13 items, those with higher score in the experimental group were ‘I am glad I had this baby now’(t=2.29, p<0.05), ‘I enjoy taking care of the baby’(t=2.4g, p<0.01), ‘It is boring for me to care for the baby and do the same thing over and over’(t=2.87, P<0.01), ‘I am unhappy with the amount of time I have for activities other than childcare’(t=2.51, p<0.01), and ‘When bathing and diapering the baby, I would like to be doing something else’(t=2.43, p<0.01). That is, the degree of satisfaction in mothering, infant care, and restraints in time of on the mother's self accomplishment and development in the experimental group was higher than that of the control group. Therefore, the second hypothesis, that the degree of satisfaction in maternal role performance of the experimental group would be higher than that of the control group, was supported(t=2.31, p<0.05). 5. The third hypothesis, that the higher the degree of satisfaction in materenal role performance, the higher the degree of self-confidence in materenal role performance in the experimental group, was supported (r=0.57, p<0.01)

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
    • /
    • v.10
    • /
    • pp.1-40
    • /
    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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