• 제목/요약/키워드: pure state

검색결과 548건 처리시간 0.026초

초임계유체 $CO_2$ 및 Co-solvent 첨가에 따른 금은화(Lonicera fles)의 Flavonoid류 추출특성 (Extraction Characteristics of Flavonoids from Lonicera flos by Supercritical Fluid Carbon Dioxide ($SF-CO_2$) with Co-solvent)

  • 서상철;조성길;홍주헌;최용희
    • 한국식품과학회지
    • /
    • 제37권2호
    • /
    • pp.183-188
    • /
    • 2005
  • 순수 methanol을 cd-solvent로 첨가하였을 때 소량의 수율을 얻을 수 있었던 반면 methanol에 물을 첨가하여 수용액을 조제한 후 각각 첨가하였을 때 co-solvent의 극성도 증가에 비례하여 수율이 현저하게 증가하였다. 60% methanol을 첨가하였을 때 수율이 가장 높았으며 순수 methanol 첨가구와 비교하여 luteolin이 5.9배, quercetin이 4.1배, apigenin이 7.8배 가량 증가하였다. Co-solvent에 citric acid를 농도별로 첨가한 결과 첨가량 1%까지는 추출수율이 농도 비례적으로 증가하는 경향을 나타내어 대조구에 비해 대략 luteolin이 14.64mg/100g, quercetin이 10.17mg/100g, apigenin이 2.4mg/100g의 유의적인 증가율을 보였으나 그 이상의 농도에서는 소량 감소하는 경향을 보였다. 한편 산을 첨가한 모든 조건에서 대조구보다 높은 수율을 얻을 수 있었다. 추출수율이 가장 우수하였던 citric acid가 1% 첨가된 60% aqueous methanol을 co-solvent로 초임계상태에 첨가하였을 때 공정압력이 100bar에서 200ber로 증가함에 따라 추출수율이 비례적으로 증가하였으나 250bar 이상에서는 감소하는 경향을 나타내었다. 온도에 따라서는 $40^{\circ}C$에서 $50^{\circ}C$까지는 증가하는 경향을 보이다 이상의 온도에서는 오히려 감소하였다. 추출 시간의 증가와 더불어 추출 수율은 유의적으로 증가하다가 60분일 때 최대값을 보였으며 90분 이상의 추출시간에서는 추출수율이 거의 일정해졌다. $CO_{2}$ 대비 cosolvent를 15(0.3mL/min)% 첨가하였을 때 최대 추출수율을 보였으며 25% 이상의 첨가구에서는 첨가량은 증가하였으나 수율은 감소하는 경향을 보였다. 것으로 나타났다. 그러므로 감마선 조사 및 저온저장($10^{\circ}C$)은 김밥재료 뿐만 아니라 김밥의 미생물 제어에 효과적인 것으로 확인되었다.와 비례하는 경향을 나타내었다. 또한 FA-swelling mica의 중금속 이온의 선택성은 Pb>Cu>Cd$\geq$Zn 순으로 나타났다.지 않았다.l years and a new type of transfer crane has been developed. Design concepts and control methods of a new crane will be introduced in this paper.and momentum balance was applied to the fluid field of bundle. while the movement of′ individual material was taken into account. The constitutive model relating the surface force and the deformation of bundle was introduced by considering a representative prodedure that stands for the bundle movement. Then a fundamental equations system could be simplified considering a steady state of the process. On the basis of the simplified model, the simulation was performed and the results could be confirmed by the experiments under various conditions.뢰, 결속 등 다차원의 개념에 대한 심도 깊은 연구와 최근 제기되고 있는 이론의 확대도 필요하다. 마지막으로 신뢰와 결속에 영향을

연지(蓮池)로 본 성혈사 나한전 꽃살문양의 생태미학과 상징성 (An Ecological Aesthetics and Symbolism of the Seonghyelsa Nahanjeon Floral Lattice with Patterns of Lotus Pond Scenery)

  • 노재현;이다영;최승희
    • 한국전통조경학회지
    • /
    • 제36권3호
    • /
    • pp.160-171
    • /
    • 2018
  • 꽃창살은 사찰경관을 구성하는 조형요소이며 조망시점이 외부에서 형성되는 장식적 경관요소라는 인식 아래, 경북 영주시 성혈사 나한전의 꽃창살에 표현된 연지의 생태미학적 특성과 도입된 소재의 상징성을 분석 해석한 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 나한전 정칸 창호에는 사각형 2개가 연속된 문틀 등 비목재 부분을 제외하고 총 176개의 순수 문양이 조각되어 있다. 그 중 중문 어칸(御間) 문살의 기본 개념은 전통정원에서 방지(方池)를 상징하는 연지의 설계언어로 판단된다. 창살 어칸에서 가장 비중이 높은 식물인 연꽃은 '청정(淸淨)'과 '불염(不染)' 그리고 불교의 극락세계인 연화장세계로 인식되며 꽃창살에 묘사된 연꽃은 생성소멸의 특징을 담은 다채로운 형태로 펼쳐져 있어 불연일체(佛蓮一體)의 경관상(景觀像)이 잘 드러나고 있다. 또한 네가래와 벗풀은 실제 연못 주변에서 발견되는 수생식물로 생태적 측면에서도 연지의 수생태계와도 부합되는 사실적 표현일 뿐 아니라 물총새, 백로, 왜가리 등 날짐승의 표현은 정적인 수생태계에 동세와 활력을 불어넣고자 한 생태미학적 발상이다. 또한 동자승을 비롯하여 수(壽) 부(富) 귀(貴) 다남(多男) 등의 기복사상을 구현하고자 한 것으로 판단되는 물총새, 기러기(백로), 물고기, 참게, 개구리 그리고 용 등 7개 분류형의 동물들과 식물이 공생하는 연지풍경을 꽃창살에 연출하였다. 성혈사 나한전 어칸의 꽃창살은 연과 연잎의 생성과 소멸, 서식처의 생태적 적지(敵地), 공생과 먹이연쇄 등 수생태계 측면에서도 매우 부합되는 표현으로 가득하며 이는 상징과 생태미학의 총화이자연지 풍경의 총합적 어울림이다.

이산화탄소 포집 및 저장 실용화를 위한 대한민국에서의 이산화탄소 수송 ($CO_2$ Transport for CCS Application in Republic of Korea)

  • 허철;강성길;조맹익
    • 한국해양환경ㆍ에너지학회지
    • /
    • 제13권1호
    • /
    • pp.18-29
    • /
    • 2010
  • 기후온난화에 대처하기 위한 방안 중, $CO_2$ 해양지중저장은 성공가능성이 높은 수단중의 하나로써 각광받고 있다. $CO_2$ 해양지중저장은 대량 발생원으로부터 $CO_2$를 포집하여 저장지로 수송한 후, 가스 저장층 이나 염대수층 등과 같은 해저 지질구조 내에 $CO_2$를 저장하는 공정 전체를 아울러 지칭한다. 우리는 2005년부터 $CO_2$ 해양지중저장 관련 기술들을 개발해왔으며, 주요 기술 개발 분야에는 $CO_2$ 저장후보지 탐색과 $CO_2$ 수송 및 저장 공정을 위한 기본 설계가 포함된다. 신뢰성 있는 $CO_2$ 해양지중저장 시스템설계를 위해, 가상시나리오를 개발하였으며 수치해석 프로그램을 이용하여 전체공정을 분석하였다. $CO_2$ 포집원으로 부터 주입저장지로 $CO_2$를 수송하는 공정은 열역학 상태방정식으로 모사 가능하다. 본격적인 설계공정에 대한 수치해석을 수행하기에 앞서 관련 열역학 상태방정식들을 비교 및 분석하였다. 분석된 상태방정식들의 정확도를 평가하기 위해 참조문헌의 실험데이터와 수치계산결과를 비교하였다. 현재까지 진행된 $CO_2$ 해양지중저장 공정설계는 주로 순수한 $CO_2$를 대상으로 하였다. 하지만 포집된 $CO_2$ 혼합물은 질소, 산소, 아르곤, 물, 황화수소 등의 불순물을 포함하고 있다. 작은 양의 불순물이 포함될 시에도 열역학적 물성치가 바뀔 뿐 만 아니라, 압축, 정제, 수송 공정 전체에 막대한 영향을 미치게 되므로 간과되어서는 안 된다. 본 논문에서는 해상 및 육상 $CO_2$ 수송에 영향을 미치는 주요 설계 인자들을 분석하였으며, 가상 시나리오의 매개변수에 관한 연구를 수행한 다음, 유량, 직경, 온도, 압력 등의 설계 인자들의 변화 범위를 제시하고자 하였다.

약과(藥果) 문화(文化)의 변천에 관(關)한 문헌적(文獻的) 고찰(考察) (The Bibliographical Study on Development of Yackwa)

  • 조신호;이효지
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
    • /
    • 제2권1호
    • /
    • pp.33-43
    • /
    • 1987
  • 밀가루에 기름과 꿀을 섞어서 반죽하여 일정한 모양으로 만들어 기름에 지지고 다시 꿀을 묻힌 약과는 한국인의 대표적인 기호식품의 하나이다. 본 연구는 1600년대부터 1943년까지 간행된 모든 한글 조리서 중에서 약과가 기록된 조리서 13권과 1945년 이후의 조리서 14권을 중심으로 약과의 명칭과 모양의 변천, 반죽 재료와 반죽 방법의 변천, 기름에 지지는 방법, 즙청 재료와 방법, 고명 등을 시대적으로 비교 고찰하므로 약과 문화의 시대적 변천 과정을 연구하였다. 1. 약과의 명칭은 약과 과줄 조과라 칭하였으며, 모양은 새 짐승 원형 네모진 모양이 있었다. 크기는 지름이 약 3.5cm, 두께 $0.5{\sim}1.5cm$ 이었다. 2. 약과 반죽의 주재로는 밀가루 꿀 기름 술이었다. 밀가루 이외에 콩가루 찹쌀가루도 사용하였으며 꿀대신 조청 설탕물 설탕시럽 엿녹인 것을 넣기도 하였다. 기름은 주로 참기름을 넣었으나 사라다유 면실유도 넣었다. 술은 청주 소주 약주 막걸리 양주를 넣었으며 물은 끓인물을 넣었다. 그밖에 통깨 생강 후추가루 깨소금 생강즙 잣가루 소금 등을 넣었다. 3. 약과 반죽은 "반죽을 매우 찧어 도마에 놓고 망치로 사방을 모아 두드리라"는 방법과 "국수 반죽 모양으로 너무 치다르지 말고 가볍게 반죽해야 한다"는 두 가지 방법이 있었다. 1940년 이후의 대부분 조리서에서 "가볍게 살살 섞으라"고 하였다. 4. 기름에 지지는 방법은 "기름을 넉넉히 붓고 $120{\sim}160^{\circ}C$의 기름에서 속이 잘 익고 진한 갈색이 나도록 $5{\sim}15$분 가량 지져내라" 하였다. 이때 "기름의 온도가 너무 낮으면 모양이 부서지고 너무 높으면 단단해진다"고 하였다. 5. 즙청의 재료로 1940년 이전에는 꿀을 사용하였으나 그 후부터는 굴 조청 엿녹인 것 시럽 등을 사용하였다. 그밖에 향취를 위해 강즙 건강 유자즙을 넣었다. 6. 즙청 방법은 튀겨낸 약과의 기름을 빼고 뜨거울 때 넣어 오래 담가 두어야 연하고 맛이 있다고 하였다. 7. 고명은 잣가루 계피가루 설탕이었다.

  • PDF

경호・경비 용어의 개선방안 (A Study on the Improvement of Security Terminology)

  • 김홍성
    • 시큐리티연구
    • /
    • 제57호
    • /
    • pp.231-252
    • /
    • 2018
  • 우리는 현재 경호(警護) 경비(警備)에 관한 용어를 사용함에 있어 오랜 시간 외국의 단어와 어휘를 그대로 인용, 사용하여 왔다. 자국의 언어가 분명 존재하는 데도 불구하고 외국의 용어를 사용하는 것은 그 의미의 전달 면에서 외국적 색체가 짙고, 또한 경호경비의 진정한 뜻과 의미를 미약하게 만들고 있다. 확실하고 뚜렷한 의미의 순수한 우리말로서 독립적으로 표현된 용어가 없을 뿐 더러 그것을 찾는 일을 게을리 하여 외국어를 그대로 수용 사용하고 있음은 우리말의 적절한 경호경비에 관한 용어 선택의 부재(不在)를 불러오게 하였다. 현재 경호경비를 '보안(保安), security'로 포괄적 광범위하게 사용하고 있는 것이 현실이다. 우리고유의 말(한글)에도 경호경비의 뜻과 의미에 부합하는 적절한 단어가 있음에도 영어표기를 그대로 사용하는 것은 용어의 적절성 여부와 상관없이 편의상 사용되고 있다는 점과, 세계화의 흐름 속에 영어권의 힘이 컸기 때문에 용어의 사용에 있어서도 영어를 생각 없이 쓰는 일이 잦아졌으며, 영어를 그대로 사용하는 것이 발달한 문명이나 문화를 누린다고 생각하기 때문이기도 하지만, 이는 곧 우리 국어에 대한 자각이 부족해서 이다. 이러한 실태를 전제로 경호경비의 용어를 순수한 우리말로 찾는 작업이 절실하다고 하겠다. 지금껏 우리는 경계하고 보호하고, 지킨다는 뜻의 용어로 "경호경비, 시큐리티'(Security), guard, protect라는 용어를 사용해 왔다. 경계하고, 지킨다는 의미의 용어로 우리말의 '지킴'이 있다. 지킴은 현재의 안전한 상태를 유지하는 작용을 말한다. 안전한 상태로의 유지를 위해서는 여러 위해로부터 예방과 경계와 보호가 우선되어야 한다. 학교지킴이, 아동안전지킴이, 환경지킴이, 생활 안전지킴 등등처럼 경계하고 보호함을 뜻하는 '지킴'은 이미 여러 곳에서 사용하고 있는 것이 사실이다. 여기에서 지키는 사람을 '지킴이' 라 한다. '지킴이' 란 '지킴' 이라는 단어에 '사람'을 의미하는 우리말 접미사 '이'를 합친 단어다. '지킴'은 감시의 의미와 보존의 의미를 동시에 내포한다. '지킴' 용어와 같이 실효성 있는 용어의 사용 및 현실과 부합된 정서적 용어가 필요하다. 따라서 경호 경비의 용어를 적절한 우리말의 용어로 바꾸었을 때 그 의미와 여러 조건에 모두 부합하는 '지킴' 이란 용어가 적당하다 판단된다.

구충증(鉤蟲症)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) 제1편(第1篇) 구충(鉤蟲)의 감염(感染) 및 구충성빈혈(鉤蟲性貧血)에 관(關)한 고찰(考奈) (Studies on Ancylostomiasis I. An Experimental Study on Hookworm Infection and Anemia)

  • 이문호;김동집;이장규;서병설;이순형
    • 대한핵의학회지
    • /
    • 제1권1호
    • /
    • pp.55-66
    • /
    • 1967
  • In view of its prevalence in the Far East area, a more detailed knowledge on the hookworm infection is one of the very important medical problems. The present study was aimed to; determine the infectivity of the artificially hatched ancylostoma duodenale larvae in man after its oral administration, evaluate the clinical symptomatology of such infection, determine the date of first appearance of the ova in the stool, calculate the blood loss per worm per day, assess the relation-ships between the ova count, infectivity(worm load), blood loss and severity of anemia. An erythrokinetic study was also done to analyse the characteristics of hookworm anemia by means of $^{59}Fe\;and\;^{51}Cr$. Materials and Methods Ten healthy male volunteers(doctors, medical students and laboratory technicians) with the ages ranging from 21 to 40 years were selected as the experimental materials. They had no history of hookworm infection for preceding several years, and care was taken not to be exposed to reinfection. A baseline study including a through physical examinations and laboratory investigations such as complete blood counts, stool examination and estimation of the serum iron levels was done, and a vermifuge, bephenium hydroxynaphoate, was given 10 days prior to the main experiment. The ancylostoma duodenale filariform larvae were obtained in the following manner; The pure ancylostoma duodenale ova were obtained from the hookworm anemia patients and a modified filter paper method was adopted to harvest larger number of infective larvae, which were washed several times with saline. The actively moving mature larvae were put into the gelatine capsules, 150 in each, and were given to the volunteers in the fasting state with 300ml. of water. The volunteers were previously treated with intramuscular injection of 15mg. of chlorpromazine in order to prevent the eventual nausea and vomiting after the larvae intake. The clinical symptoms and signs mainly of the respiratory and gastrointestinal tracts, appearance of the ova and occult blood in the stool etc. were checked every day for the first 20 days and then twice weekly until the end of the experiment, which usually lasted for about 3 months. Roentgenological survey of the lungs was also done. The hematological changes such as the red blood cell, white blood cell and eosinophil cell counts, hemoglobin content and serum iron levels were studied. The appearance of the ova in the stool was examined by the formalin ether method and the ova were counted in triplicate on two successive days using the Stoll's dilution method. The ferrokinetic data were calculated by the modified Huff's method and the apparent half survival time of the red blood cells by the modified Gray's method. The isotopes were simultaneously tagged and injected intravenously, and then the stool and blood samples were collected as was described by Roche et al., namely, three separate 4-day stool samples with the blood sample drawing before each 4-day stool collection. The radio-activities of the stools ashfied and the blood were separately measured by the pulse-height analyser. The daily blood loss was calculated with the following formula; daily blood loss in $ml.=\frac{cpm/g\;stool{\times}weight\;in\;g\;of\;4-day\;stool}{cpm/ml\;blood{\times}4}$ The average of these three 4-day periods was given as the daily blood loss in each patient. The blood loss per day per worm was calculated by simply dividing the daily blood loss by the number of the hookworm recovered after the vermifuge given twice a week at the termination of the experiment. The iron loss in mg. through the gastrointestinal tract was estimated with the daily iron loss in $mg=\frac{g\;Hgb/100ml{\times}ml\;daily\;blood\;loss{\times}3.40}{100}$ 3.40=mg of iron per g Hgb following formula; Results 1. The respiratory symptoms such as cough and sputum were noted in almost all cases within a week after the infection, which lasted about 2 weeks. The roentgenological findings of the chest were essentially normal. A moderate degree of febril reaction appeared within 2 weeks with a duration of 3 or 4 days. 2. The gastrointestinal symptoms such as nausea, epigastric fullness, abdominal pain and loose bowel appeared in all cases immediately after the larvae intake. 3. The reduction of the red blood cell count was not remarkable, however, the hemoglobin content and especially the serum iron level showed the steady decreases until the end of the experiment. 4. The white blood cells and eosinophil cells, on the contrary, showed increases in parallel and reached peaks in 20 to 30 days after the infection. A small secondary rise was noted in 2 months. 5. The ova first appeared in the stool in 40. 1 days after the infection, ranging from 29 to 51 days, during which the occult blood reaction of the stool became also positive in almost cases. 6. The number of ova recovered per day was 164, 320 on the average, ranging from 89,500 to 253,800. The number of the worm evacuated by vermifuge was in rough correlation with the number of ova recovered. 7. The infectivity of ancylostoma duodenale was 14% on the average, ranging from 7.3 to 20.0%, which is relatively lower than those reported by other workers. 8. The mean fecal blood loss was 5.78ml. per day, with a range of from 2.6 to 11.7ml., and the mean blood loss per worm per day was 0.30ml., with a range of from 0.13 to 0.73ml., which is in rough coincidence with those reported by other authors. There appeared to exist, however, no correlation between the blood loss and the number of ova recovered. 9. The mean fecal iron loss was 2.02mg. per day, with a range of from 1.20 to 3.89mg., which is less than those appeared in the literature. 10. The mean plasma iron disappearance rate was 0.80hr., with a range of from 0.62 to 0.95hr., namely, a slight accerelation. 11. The hookworm anemia appeared to be iron deficiency in origin caused by continuous intestinal blood loss.

  • PDF

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제20권4호
    • /
    • pp.211-250
    • /
    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

  • PDF

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
    • /
    • 제10권
    • /
    • pp.1-40
    • /
    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

  • PDF