• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• 제77호
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• pp.109-150
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• 2023

Prior researchers interpreted the records of criminal cases involving the Progressive Party from a historical perspective. In marked contrast to existing trends, this study examines the Progressive Party case records through the lens of archival science. This study dissects the Progressive Party case records as a single and complete record group and at each stage of their life cycle from police investigation through criminal prosecution to trial. This approach enables a holistic analysis of archival characteristics of the records. This study begins with an appraisal of the nature and types of case records generated and maintained by the various agencies in light of the investigatory authorities delegated to each institution. This study then dissects the police, prosecution, and Counter Intelligence Corps records leading up to the indictment of Progressive Party members as well as the court records of the trial that followed. In particular, this study reveals the insufficiency and illegality of the evidence against the defendants in the Progressive Party case from an archival standpoint. Setting aside the admissibility or strength of the evidence under criminal law, the present study demonstrates that the records lack reliability, authenticity, and integrity-the fundamental attributes required for evidentiary efficacy of records from an archival standpoint.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Journal of Information Processing Systems
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.240-257
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• 2023

The industrial Internet of Things (IIoT) is characterized by intelligent connection, real-time data processing, collaborative monitoring, and automatic information processing. The heterogeneous IIoT devices require a high data rate, high reliability, high coverage, and low delay, thus posing a significant challenge to information security. High-performance edge and cloud servers are a good backup solution for IIoT devices with limited capabilities. However, privacy leakage and network attack cases may occur in heterogeneous IIoT environments. Cloud-based multi-party computing is a reliable privacy-protecting technology that encourages multiparty participation in joint computing without privacy disclosure. However, the default cloud selection method does not meet the heterogeneous IIoT requirements. The server can be dishonest, significantly increasing the probability of multi-party computation failure or inefficiency. This paper proposes a blockchain and smart contract-based optimized cloud node selection framework. Different participants choose the best server that meets their performance demands, considering the communication delay. Smart contracts provide a progressive request mechanism to increase participation. The simulation results show that our framework improves overall multi-party computing efficiency by up to 44.73%.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.105-138
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• 2011

The 11th Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party(VCP) held in January 2011 was the forum to reconfirm the gradual reform. By analysing the documents submitted to the Congress, it can be realized that the VCP's reform policy reveals the compromise between conservative and progressive perspectives by "the Socialist-oriented Market Economy". The VCP proposes to proceed the balanced reform for the sustainable development by multi-sector economy to achieve the basis of the modern state by 2020 on the one hand and also urges to strive against "the peaceful evolution" to defend the socialist regime from abroad as well as within the party itself on the other hand. In personnel structure of the Central Committee and Politburo, this term of the Party still keeps the balance of the localities and sectors of the society. No big change was in the selection of top leaders, as almost of them were promoted slightly in the existing echelon of the Politburo. On the prospect of the reform process Vietnam will continue the reform as gradual as before.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.343-384
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• 2017

We assess the outcomes for the negotiating parties in the Trans-Pacific Partnership if the remaining eleven parties go ahead with the agreement as negotiated without the United States, as compared to the outcomes under the original twelve-member agreement signed in October 2016. We find that the eleven-party agreement, now renamed as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), is a much smaller deal than the twelve-party one, but that some parties do better without the United States in the deal, in particular those in the Western Hemisphere - Canada, Mexico, Chile, and Peru. For the politically relevant medium term, the United States stands to be less well-off outside the TPP than inside. Since provisional deals can be in place for a long time, the results of this study suggest that the eleven parties are better off to implement the CPTPP, leaving aside the controversial governance elements, the implications of which for national interests are unclear and which, in any event, may be substantially affected by parallel bilateral negotiations between individual CPTPP parties and the United States.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• 제68호
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• pp.243-279
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• 2021

Rep. Roh Hoe-chan is a representative politician in Korean progressive politics. From the labor movement to the workers' political organization movement, they devoted themselves to the movement to build a progressive party. As a member of the 17th, 19th, and 20th National Assembly, he carried out legislative activities. The record he left is the record of the political power of workers, the record of the progressive party, and the record of a politician who suffers and practices. Also, as the son of a displaced person, as a student activist suffering from the restoration period, it is also a record of a human being of cultural literacy who played the cello. Archivist's basic research is expected to play a role in creating a virtuous cycle of archive management by structuring the archive and presenting various access points to various users, allowing more diverse research and use in the future.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• 제20권12호
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• pp.135-143
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• 2022

This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.