• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.35-62
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• 2004

This study examined how the three major newspapers covered the press reform movement in Korea. Despite that the NGOs and Korean government keep trying to reform the market and structure of the newspapers, the targeted newspapers argue that they are unjustly accused of the dominance of the press market made by the readers' choice. Using frame analysis and discourse analysis, this study analyzed the news coverage on the press reform for 6 months and revealed that these major newspapers presumed to be targeted were totally challenging against the press reform by means of flaming of news and using news discourse. The ways of challenge were, firstly they appealed to the readers that the press reform is the press suppress so that they have to fight against this unacceptable pressure. And secondly, they report the news selectively for their own interests by elaborating, magnifying, or reducing the facts. Thirdly, they attack the government policies and major figures leading the press reform by letting the outside columnists favorable to their own standing point. And finally, they conduct the poll on and off and report what they want according to their self interests.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.80-113
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• 2007

This study aims to describe the brief history of war reporting by Korea press and investigate the problems and reform measures of war coverage suggested by journalists who have experienced and covered the war. Although Korea press had 50 year war reporting history, it lacks knowhow about war reporting and systematic support for war coverage. Its main reason is that Korea press tend to dispatch war correspondents habitually without training them sufficiently. In addition, war journalists cover the war based on their environment and personal experiences. Dispatching journalists who have few experiences in war reporting to conflict region is another problem of war reporting by Korean press. To overcome these problems, Korea press need to manage journalists' pool who are well informed of or accustomed to Islam culture and region. Cultivating experts who are familiar with international issues or troubles are also necessary for vivid war reporting.

• Advances in environmental research
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.25-33
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• 2017

This paper discussed plurality in urban governance in Nigeria and its implication on delivery of urban environmental services, with a focus on water supply, sanitation and solid waste disposal. Conceptually, it explained urban governance as the sum total of the ways of achieving an inclusive city and expressed the urban governance system of Nigeria based the legal framework set for them. The paper explored the environmental implications of urban governance in Nigeria. It concluded that urban governance has several implications on delivery of urban environmental services in Nigeria. The dualism in urban governance is a factor contributing towards inefficient delivery of environmental services such as water supply, sanitation and solid waste management in Nigeria. The paper recommended, among others, a constitutional reform that will guarantee efficient urban governance and delivery of environmental services in Nigeria.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.163-187
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• 2004

Recognizing the contemporary critical situation of local newspapers in Korea, the present study purposed to consider plans to overcome such a crisis from various aspects and examine the possibility to implement the plans. Specific research question was plans to promote local newspapers on political and legislative dimension. The result of this study proved that the issue of activating local press must be discussed basically in conjunction with the implications and functions of power decentralization. This study also considered the opinion that so-called structural problems, which cannot be tackled by local newspaper, must be intervened in by the government on the dimension of promoting local newspapers politically and legislatively. In particular, the meaning of this study lies in that it was focused on supporting methods to prepare a bill for the special law of local newspaper promotion support, and proposed specific and practical plans.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Building Construction Conference
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.173-178
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• 2005

The tile construction methods for existing have been used materials within limit which adhesion by wet method in masonry wall and concrete structure. These existing adhesive tech can caused many problems in construction of large and reform tile, after that it can be happened loose scale, peel off, falling off tile by heat and vibration or impact. In according to, this study is to test tile for bond stability, adhesive property by impact, vibration. low property by heat and then, we have the results as below; (1) The tile adhesive stability can be effected as adhesive area between bond agent and tile, adhesive area can more wide and press enough to ensure property. (2) Existing adhesive strength and standard relative tile construction is limited to adjust performance tile on the concrete and masonry wall. In summary, It is necessary to establish standard of performance and test method to ensure tile adhesive salability in dry wall.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.38-46
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• 2015

Purpose: The object of this study is to identify the reason why school health education act had not been enforced properly, and to find out implications for improving. Methods: The implementation process of school health education act was described and the imperatives of the process were analysed. M. Rein's Policy Implementation Model was used as an analysis framework. The sources of this study was based on the minutes of parliament, government reports, materials for the meetings of policy makers, the press, etc. Results: The school health education act clarified mandatory and systemic health education in it, but it did not clearly mentioned about 'the introduction of compulsory health education subject'. The bureaucrats of National Educational Ministry who are responsible for policy implementation, did not behave in a friendly manner toward the school health education act. What is more, the ways of mandatory and systemic school health education could not be discussed reasonably in the implementation process. Through this study it was found that the rational-bureaucratic imperative played the main role in the implementation process of school health education act due to the limitation of the legal imperative and the consensual imperative. Conclusion: The result of this study suggests the strong need to make up for the defect of the two imperatives, and to reform the rational-bureaucratic imperative.