• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.373-388
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• 2016

To understand human activity in the past, the information about past environmental change including geomorphological and climatic conditions is essential and this can be traced by using age dating and geochemical analysis of sediments from the prehistoric sites. The sedimentary sequence of Seokgwan-dong Paleolithic Site located in Seoul was 5m long unconsolidated sediments and consists of lower part bedrock weathering sediments, slope deposits and upper-part fluvial deposits. In this study, upper part sediments were used to reconstruct past environmental change through age dating and various physical and chemical analyses including grain size, magnetic susceptibility and mineral and elements. The fluvial sediments can be divided into 4 units including three organic layers. Grain size analysis results showed that the sediments were very poorly sorted with fining upward features. Magnetic susceptibility was relatively high in the organic layers, indicating environmental changes causing mineral composition change at that times. The mineral and major element composition are similar to Jurassic biotite granite which mainly consists of quartz, K-feldspar, biotite and muscovite. The radiocarbon age of $14,240{\pm}80yr$ BP was obtained from the lower most organic layer of Unit III(O), suggesting that the fluvial sediments formed at least from the early stage of deglacial period after the end of Last Glacial Maximum. Subsequent wet and warm climates and resultant fluvial process including slope sedimentation during the Holocene may have been responsible for the sedimentary sequence in Seokgwan-dong paleolithic site and surrounding area. The observed organic layers suggests frequent wetland occurrence combined with natural levee changes in this area.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.36
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• pp.281-302
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• 2014

Human beings have advanced to release instinctive desire. Among the human desires, sexual desire is classed as a basic desire with appetite and has been expressed in many ways from prehistoric times to present. Despite the social and ethical restriction, expression of sexual image has been evolved with change of time and medium's development. Thanks to inventing the photograph technique, Change of pornographic image has showed a dramatic aspect since early 20th century. The video which delivers message more directly than the picture boosted this change, and the animation has experimented the expression methods and techniques numerously exceeding the limit of realistic image which reappeared by the device. In this thesis, I want to discuss how human beings express sexual desire in animation based on society's sex culture, and analyzed Japanese pornographic animation as its obvious cases. Japanese pornographic animation should be interpreted as the result of culture and society system's history. Through Heian, Edo and early Meiji period, Japanese sex culture has been kept very openly and preposterously. Transformation, metamorphosis, pedophilia, tentacle sex and exposure of specific body parts that are frequently appear in Japanese animation can be interpreted by ancient Japanese open sex culture like Wakashu, polygamy, sleeping in mixed sex group and pederasty. These Japanese odd sex culture is hard to find elsewhere and settled as intrinsic sexual expression in Japanese animation. This situation was institutionally severed by European Modernization's force at the end of World War II in 20th century. However, it seems they have been keeping their influence in a proper form until now. In this study, I discussed that pornographic animation should be interpreted in a frame of cultural phenomenon by researching the series of procedure that ancient Japanese open sex culture has been changed by the system. Sexuality which is found in general Japanese animation was started from their history, and the dichotomous expression about women can be understood that it is bent by institutionally regulated sexual opinion. Japanese history and culture can be understood that it is transformed to the dichotomy that are simultaneously according freedom of eroticism to the pornographic animation, and the fear and irresistible temptation about the woman's body as the other.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.