• 제목/요약/키워드: porcelain

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Evaluation of color matching ability according to the color temperature and the experience of practitioner (색 온도 및 술자의 숙련도에 따른 비색 능력 평가 원저)

  • Kim, Ji-Hyun;Kim, Sun-Jai;Lee, Keun-Woo;Shim, June-Sung;Yoon, Joonho
    • The Journal of Korean Academy of Prosthodontics
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.299-304
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    • 2012
  • Purpose: The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of different experience level and different light source on shade selection ability comparing prosthodontist group and dental student group under 4,000 K and 5,500 K light. Materials and methods: After color difference of Vitapan 3D-master shade guides was measured, 3 sets of 5 shade tabs were selected with similar value but have different chroma (set a, b, c). Also 3 sets of 5 shade tabs were selected with similar chroma but have different values (set d, e, f). Under 4,000 K and 5,500 K light sources, ten prosthodontists and ten dental students were allowed to match in one set of 5 tabs the same shade tab with the tab which was originally selected in the other set of 5 tabs. Color differences of original tab and matched tab were measured by spectrophotometer and the shade selection ability was evaluated with those data. Evaluation of color difference value was performed in regard to different light conditions and different level of experience, followed by t-test with 95% confidence interval. Results: Color difference values under 4,000 K and 5,500 K light source were $1.62{\pm}2.0$, and $1.33{\pm}1.7$ respectively. In addition, color difference values of prosthodontist group and dental student group were $1.34{\pm}1.7$, and $1.61{\pm}2.0$ respectively. Difference of shade selection ability was not found under either different light sources (P=.398), or different experience level (P=.221). Conclusion: Level of experience did not affect on the shade selection ability when prosthodontists and dental students matched the shades with the same shade tab under the same light source.

Clinical Evaluation of Implant-Supported Fixed Prostheses (임플란트-지지 고정성 보철물의 임상적 상태에 대한 평가)

  • Park, Chan-Yong;Yun, Mi-Jung;Huh, Jung-Bo;Jeong, Chang-Mo;Jeon, Yeong-Chan
    • Journal of Dental Rehabilitation and Applied Science
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.317-326
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    • 2013
  • This study was to compare the cumulative survival rate of implant-supported fixed prostheses and to analyze association between risk factors and cumulative survival rate of implant-supported fixed prostheses. In order to assess the clinical status of implant-supported fixed prostheses, individuals who treated in the Department of Prosthodontics, Pusan National University Dental Hospital, between 2000 to 2007 were examined. The results of this study were as follows: 1. Length of service of implant-supported fixed prostheses was $6.6{\pm}32.0$ years (mean), 11.7 years (median). 2. Age and sex of patient was found to have no statistically significant influence on longevity of implant-supported fixed prostheses (P>.05). 3. Reason of tooth extraction wax found to have statistically significant influence on implant-supported fixed prostheses (P<.05). The longevity of fixed prostheses was low in tooth extraction case due to periodontal disease (median:9.0 years). 4. Location of implant-supported fixed prostheses was found to have statistically significant influence on longevity of fixed prostheses (P<.05). The longevity of fixed prostheses was low in molar region (median:8.8 years). 5. Number of units in implant-supported fixed prostheses was found to have no statistically significant influence on longevity of fixed prostheses (P>.05). 6. Condition of opposing dentition was found to have no statistically significant influence on longevity of implant-supported fixed prostheses (P>.05). 7. Food impaction (40.5%), porcelain fracture (25.8%), screw loosening (23.6%) were frequent complications.

A Study on Goryo Celadons of intaglio '○' pattern and '⊙'pattern (고려 음각 '○'문과 '⊙'문청자의 연구)

  • Han, Seong-Uk
    • KOMUNHWA
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    • no.70
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    • pp.133-161
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    • 2007
  • It is judged that celadons with '○' pattern and '⊙' pattern have the indication of manufacturer by engraving mark at the internal center of the bottom. These celadons were produced at No.8.23.27 kiln sites located at Sadang-ri(사당리), Daegu-myon(대구면), Gangjin-gun(강진군), Jeollanamdo(전라남도), Korea and '⊙’ patterned celadon porcelain was found only at No. 23 and 27 kiln sites, so it is assumed that its production sites were limited. Kinds of celadons included bowl, dish, cup, bottle, case and vessel for emptied wine and there were a lot of dishes with a variety of patterns. These celadons were engraved by molded design technique using the same ceramic design as the pattern of celadons in the period of their prosperity and it was appropriate method to produce celadons of a good quality with production method to keep decorative design like pattern or size uniformly. It was also found that inlay method was not universalized in this period and similar celadons were produced with molded design in large quantities. These celadons had partially fire clay temper, but most of them were burnt by supporting the inner bottom of U-type base with quartzite after whole glazing. It was known through relics excavated at Seokreung(석릉) royal tomb of King Heejong(희종) at Ganghwa(강화) and Hyeeumwon(혜음원) temple site at Paju(파주) and military house at Wakamiyaoji(약궁대로) avenue Kamakura(겸창)-city, Japan(일본) that these celadons were manufactured at two quarters of the 13th century centering around 1230s. Therefore, these celadons will be significant materials to fill the gap of the celadons in the 13th century resulted from the record chronologically that green celadons were manufactured in the 12th century. And this period was invaded by Mongolia(몽고), but central control was achieved and green celadons were continuously produced. It was also considered that these celadons were excavated at Gabgot-ri(갑곶리) and Gwanchung-ri(관청리), Ganghwa(강화), Hyeeumwon temple, Paju which played the role of temporary palace, Bu1guksa(불국사) temple at Gyeongju(경주), Silsangsa(실상사) temple at Namwon(남원) and relics of Jangheung(장흥) adjacent to Daeguso(대구소) and these were produced for high class.

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Influencing factors on the final color of laminate veneer restorations with various IPS Empress Esthetic$^{(R)}$ ingots (다양한 IPS Empress Esthetic$^{(R)}$ ingot으로 제작한 laminate veneer의 최종 색조에 대한 영향)

  • Yang, Mi-Seon;Kim, Seok-Gyu
    • The Journal of Korean Academy of Prosthodontics
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    • v.49 no.4
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    • pp.308-315
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    • 2011
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to colorimetrically evaluate the masking effect of different opacity of ingots on the final shade of IPS Empress Esthetic$^{(R)}$ laminate veneer restorations using the CIE $L^*a^*b^*$ system. Materials and methods: Six porcelain disks of IPS Empress Esthetic$^{(R)}$ system (translucency: E 01, E 03, E 0C-1, E TC-1, E TC-2, E TC-3) were fabricated with 7 mm in diameter and 0.6 mm in thickness. Six extracted human incisors (shade: A1, A3, A4, B2, B3, C3) were used as the abutment specimens. The incisors were prepared using a diamond wheel and made with a flat labial surface on the middle 1/3. For each combination of different shades of abutments and copings, the change in color was measured with a colorimeter. CIE $L^*a^*b^*$ coordinates were recorded for each specimen. Color differences (${\Delta}E$) were calculated. Descriptive statistical analysis was done. Results: ${\Delta}E$ values were significantly affected by coping translucency and abutment shade (P<.05). The color differences (${\Delta}E$) of laminate veneers among abutments with A3, B3, C3, and A4 shade were mostly below 2.7 which was within the clinically acceptable range, while color differences between A4 and B2, A3 and B2, and A1 and A4 showed more than 2.7. Conclusion: The final color of IPS Empress Esthetic$^{(R)}$ laminate veneers were significantly influenced by translucency of the coping and shade of abutment teeth. The large value difference of abutment teeth limited the masking ability by laminate veneers.

PROPOSAL OF NEW DENIAL COLOR-SPACE FOR AESTHETIC DENIAL MATERIALS (치과용 심미 수복 재료들의 색상 연구를 통한 새로운 치과용 색체계의 제안)

  • Oh, Yun-Jeong;Park, Su-Jung;Kim, Dong-Jun;Cho, Hyun-Gu;Hwang, Yun-Chan;Oh, Won-Mann;Hwang, In-Nam
    • Restorative Dentistry and Endodontics
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.19-27
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    • 2007
  • The purpose of this study is to develope new dental color-space system. Twelve kinds of dental composites and one kind of dental porcelain were used in this study. Disk samples (15 mm in diameter, 4 mm in thickness) of used materials were made and sample's CIE $L^*a^*b^*$ value was measured by Spectrocolorimeter (MiniScan XE plus, Model 4000S, diffuse/$8^{\circ}$ viewing mode, 14.3 mm Port diameters, Hunter Lab USA) The range of measured color distribution was analyzed. All the data were applied in the form of T### which is expression unit in CNU Cons Dental Color Chart. The value of $L^*$ lies between 80.40 and 52.70. The value of $a^*$ are between 10.60 and 3.60 and $b^*$ are between 28.40 and 2.21. The average value of $L^*$ is 67.40, and median value is 67.30. The value of $a^*$ are 2.89 and 2.91 respectively. And for the $b^*$, 14.30 and 13.90 were obtained. The data were converted to T### that is the unit count system in CNU-Cons Dental Color Chart. The value of $L^*$ is converted in the first digit of the numbering system. Each unit is 2.0 measured values. The second digit is the value of $a^*$ and is converted new number by 1.0 measured value. For the third digit $b^*$ is replaced and it is 2.0 measured unit apart. T555 was set to the value of $L^*$ ranging from 66.0 to 68.0, value of $a^*$ ranging from 3 to 4 and $b^*$ value ranging from 14 to 16.

Producing Technique and the Transition of Wan(Bowl) of Hanseong Baekje Period - Focus in Seoul·Gyeonggi Area - (한성백제기(漢城百濟期) 완(盌)의 제작기법(製作技法)과 그 변천(變遷) - 서울경기권 출토유물을 중심으로 -)

  • Han, Ji Sun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.86-111
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    • 2011
  • Wan is a tableware in which boiled rice or soup, side dish are put, and it is a representative model which shows the development of personal tableware. From the establishing period of Hanseong Baekje, the form of wan which is Jung-do Style(中島式) Plain Pottery of previous period Proto-Three Kingdoms Period was succeeded to, but wan is produced and used as a wan baked in the kiln, which is far development of the producing technique including hardness and clay. By and large, the size of $0.3{\sim}0.4{\ell}$ was the majority and the production technique of wan which used carefully selected soft quality clay are largely confirmed to be two methods which are, first, basic method by which on a clay tablet on the rotating table, clay band is accumulated and moulding is finished, and second, the new method which had the same basic moulding as that of basic method but in the last stage takes wan off the rotating table and reverse it to trim the bottom and remove the angle of flat bottom. The former, basic production method is the classical production method since wan of Jung-do Style Plain Pottery and wan was produced and used for all periods of Hanseong Baekje. On the other hand, the latter is the production method obtained through form imitation of China made porcelain flowed into through interchange between Baekje and China, and through comparison with Chinese chronogram material it is estimated to have been produced and used after middle of 4th century. Therefore it can be known that the Baekje people's demand for China made articles was big and imitation pottery was produced and used with Baekje pottery. In addition, bowl with outward mouth are confirmed in multiple number in Lakrang(樂浪) pottery wan and it is assumed that wan was the form produced under the influence.

A Study on the "Holing-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤) for the Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁)" or The Sacred Water-pot (정병 받침그릇(淨甁 承盤) 살핌 -고려불화(佛畵)-수월관음그림(水月觀音圖)으로 -)

  • Ghang, soon-hyoung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.34
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    • pp.124-136
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    • 2001
  • Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

A Relative Study of 3D Digital Record Results on Buried Cultural Properties (매장문화재 자료에 대한 3D 디지털 기록 결과 비교연구)

  • KIM, Soohyun;LEE, Seungyeon;LEE, Jeongwon;AHN, Hyoungki
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.1
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    • pp.175-198
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    • 2022
  • With the development of technology, the methods of digitally converting various forms of analog information have become common. As a result, the concept of recording, building, and reproducing data in a virtual space, such as digital heritage and digital reconstruction, has been actively used in the preservation and research of various cultural heritages. However, there are few existing research results that suggest optimal scanners for small and medium-sized relics. In addition, scanner prices are not cheap for researchers to use, so there are not many related studies. The 3D scanner specifications have a great influence on the quality of the 3D model. In particular, since the state of light reflected on the surface of the object varies depending on the type of light source used in the scanner, using a scanner suitable for the characteristics of the object is the way to increase the efficiency of the work. Therefore, this paper conducted a study on nine small and medium-sized buried cultural properties of various materials, including earthenware and porcelain, by period, to examine the differences in quality of the four types of 3D scanners. As a result of the study, optical scanners and small and medium-sized object scanners were the most suitable digital records of the small and medium-sized relics. Optical scanners are excellent in both mesh and texture but have the disadvantage of being very expensive and not portable. The handheld method had the advantage of excellent portability and speed. When considering the results compared to the price, the small and medium-sized object scanner was the best. It was the photo room measurement that was able to obtain the 3D model at the lowest cost. 3D scanning technology can be largely used to produce digital drawings of relics, restore and duplicate cultural properties, and build databases. This study is meaningful in that it contributed to the use of scanners most suitable for buried cultural properties by material and period for the active use of 3D scanning technology in cultural heritage.

A Study on the Iron Seated Buddha at Bowonsa Temple in Seosan (서산(瑞山) 보원사(普願寺) 철조여래좌상(鐵造如來坐像) 고찰(考察))

  • Kang, Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.22-49
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    • 2021
  • Bowonsa Temple (普願寺) is located to the north of Gayasan Mountain in Unsan-myeon, Seosan-si, Chungcheongnam-do Province. The cultural properties it enshrines were produced during the late Unified Silla and early Goryeo periods, and include an Iron Seated Buddha. The Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum planned a survey on historical remains in Chungcheongnam-do Province during the early Japanese colonial era, and a field survey was conducted at the Bowonsa Temple site in 1916 (Taishō 5). During this survey, the sculpture of the Iron Seated Buddha (knee: width 212 cm x thickness 167 cm) was found enshrined in a hut. The sculpture was moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace in the following year. However, it is clear that the colossal Iron Seated Buddha was being housed at the Bowonsa Temple site at the start of the Japanese colonial era. This Iron Seated Buddha is presumed to have been produced in 955 by State Preceptor Beopin Tanmun (法印國師 坦文, 900-975). Tanmun was born into an influential family that produced many high officials. He became a leading figure in the Hwaeom (Flower Garland) school of Buddhism under the patronage of King Taejo. He also led Buddhist events at the Goryeo royal court during the reigns of King Hyejong (惠宗, r. 943-945) and King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 945-949). With the emergence of Gyunyeo (均如, 923-973), who was sponsored by Queen Daemok (大穆王后, dates unknown) of the Hwangbo clan (皇甫氏), Tanmun was transferred to Bowonsa Temple far from Kaesong. However, even while there Tanmun strengthened his ties with his supporters under the patronage of the Chungju Yu clan. He appears to have produced this colossal sculpture of Iron Seated Buddha as a prayer for longevity and a happy life for King Gwangjong (光宗, r. 949-975). The inscription on the Stele of State Preceptor Beopin at Bowonsa Temple Site that reads "[I] created a Buddha triad in gold" also suggests the Iron Seated Buddha was produced at Bowonsa Temple. This Iron Seated Buddha is thought to have been enshrined originally in a hall at Building Site No. 3 within the Bowonsa Temple precinct. Since excavations at the temple site have revealed that the temple's main hall was erected in the Joseon period, the Iron Seated Buddha might have been enshrined in a different hall at the time of its creation. It is likely that the sculpture was placed in a hall at Building Site No. 3 since Goryeo-era roof tiles and porcelain have been frequently excavated there and the remains of a square Buddhist altar have survived at the site. At the time of its creation, the Iron Seated Buddha was likely enshrined in a Goryeo-era hall at Building Site No. 3 but was transferred to the main hall during a rebuilding project undertaken at Bowonsa Temple in the Joseon period.

A Case Study of Shanghai Tang: How to Build a Chinese Luxury Brand

  • Heine, Klaus;Phan, Michel
    • Asia Marketing Journal
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.1-22
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    • 2013
  • This case focuses on Shanghai Tang, the first truly Chinese luxury brand that appeals to both Westerners and, more recently, to Chinese consumers worldwide. A visionary and wealthy businessman Sir David Tang created this company from scratch in 1994 in Hong Kong. Its story, spanned over almost two decades, has been fascinating. It went from what best a Chinese brand could be in the eyes of Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a nearly-bankrupted company in 1998, before being acquired by Richemont, the second largest luxury group in the world. Since then, its turnaround has been spectacular with a growing appeal among Chinese luxury consumers who represent the core segment of the luxury industry today. The main objective of this case study is to formally examine how Shanghai Tang overcame its downfall and re-emerged as one the very few well- known Chinese luxury brands. More specifically, this case highlights the ways with which Shanghai Tang made a transitional change from a brand for Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a brand for both, Westerners who love the Chinese culture and Chinese who love luxury. A close examination reveals that Shanghai Tang has followed the brand identity concept that consists of two major components: functional and emotional. The functional component for developing a luxury brand concerns all product characteristics that will make a product 'luxurious' in the eyes of the consumer, such as premium quality of cachemire from Mongolia, Chinese silk, lacquer, finest leather, porcelain, and jade in the case of Shanghai Tang. The emotional component consists of non-functional symbolic meanings of a brand. The symbolic meaning marks the major difference between a premium and a luxury brand. In the case of Shanghai Tang, its symbolic meaning refers to the Chinese culture and the brand aims to represent the best of Chinese traditions and establish itself as "the ambassador of modern Chinese style". It touches the Chinese heritage and emotions. Shanghai Tang has reinvented the modern Chinese chic by drawing back to the stylish decadence of Shanghai in the 1930s, which was then called the "Paris of the East", and this is where the brand finds inspiration to create its own myth. Once the functional and emotional components assured, Shanghai Tang has gone through a four-stage development to become the first global Chinese luxury brand: introduction, deepening, expansion, and revitalization. Introduction: David Tang discovered a market gap and had a vision to launch the first Chinese luxury brand to the world. The key success drivers for the introduction and management of a Chinese luxury brand are a solid brand identity and, above all, a creative mind, an inspired person. This was David Tang then, and this is now Raphael Le Masne de Chermont, the current Executive Chairman. Shanghai Tang combines Chinese and Western elements, which it finds to be the most sustainable platform for drawing consumers. Deepening: A major objective of the next phase is to become recognized as a luxury brand and a fashion or design authority. For this purpose, Shanghai Tang has cooperated with other well-regarded luxury and lifestyle brands such as Puma and Swarovski. It also expanded its product lines from high-end custom-made garments to music CDs and restaurant. Expansion: After the opening of his first store in Hong Kong in 1994, David Tang went on to open his second store in New York City three years later. However this New York retail operation was a financial disaster. Barely nineteen months after the opening, the store was shut down and quietly relocated to a cheaper location of Madison Avenue. Despite this failure, Shanghai Tang products found numerous followers especially among Western tourists and became "souvenir-like" must-haves. However, despite its strong brand DNA, the brand did not generate enough repeated sales and over the years the company cumulated heavy debts and became unprofitable. Revitalizing: After its purchase by Richemont in 1998, Le Masne de Chermont was appointed to lead the company, reposition the brand and undertake some major strategic changes such as revising the "Shanghai Tang" designs to appeal not only to Westerners but also to Chinese consumers, and to open new stores around the world. Since then, Shanghai Tang has become synonymous to a modern Chinese luxury lifestyle brand.

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