This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.
In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.
This research established that the two characteristics of Femail Gugguek were explored on the character as genre and the nationalism discourse. This research also included how to encounter the characteristic of Female Gugguek as a popular entertainment with the social context at the time and how to re-produce the social ideology. The 'historical nationalism narrative' piercing Female Gugguek had the close relation with the nation/state discourse of the time. The history reproduced by Female Gugguek was not real. It was the imagined past, the history as image. The Female Gugguek was a genre which typically showed how to intermediate fantasy, ideology and narrative. The happy-endings with the victory of male hero, the narrative pattern on overcoming national crisis, the narrative emphasizing the glorious past and the unification of nation, all these were projected the discourse on nationalistic ideology and nation/state-making in 1950's. The Utopian desire of Female Guggeuk imagining the glorious past and strong nation was the fantasy which concealed the contradiction in real life and the national identity damaged by colonial experience, division of territory, governance by U.S. Military Government and the Korean War. The Female Guggeuk was doing well, because it had amusement. Futhermore, imagination of glorious past and strong state/nation of Female Guggeuk satisfied the public's desire of escapism and wish to establish their position and identity in the rapid social-economic changes. However, Female Guggeuk repeatedly produced the never-changing characters, narrative pattern and conservative world-view. Thus, it became regarded as immature and obsolete thing in late 1950's. Female Guggeuk, which kept re-producing the retrogressive image of the past without modern viewpoint and interpretation, was not sensitive about change of time and trend of the people. Consequently, it was pushed out of people's major interest.
This study is to figure out the Filipino cultural identity by analyzing the image of the Philippine comfort woman statue, which was created as a representation of memories of the Filipino comfort women during the World War II. As a new approach to the field of area study, this study introduced the concept of 'intertextuality', which is a method of understanding texts in the field of literature. Since the comfort woman statue represents the grieved memories of the comfort women during the international war time, the analysis of the image was focused on 'femininity' and 'nationalism'. As for comparison, the Korean comfort woman statue, the Statue of Peace, was taken into the analysis. Upon analyzing, it can be seen that Filipino perception of femininity emphasizes 'beauty' rather than 'purity' that expressed in the Statue of Peace. And the Philippine nationalism expressed through the comfort woman statue can find 'elitist and inclusive' characteristics, unlike the 'popular and resisting' characteristics of Korean.
The purpose of this study is to research into a meaning of Mexican Mural and to clarify on the internal significance of Muralism in the modern fashion. Nuralism is an example of the brith of the great people's art. The mural Fine art in mexico was the peculiar fine art campaign which observed the social function. And the mural of Mexican that the ideology and fine art combined came to occupy the unprecedented important position as a part of popular education which is the product of Mexico revolution. Thus in this study considered that the background of Mexican Mural in 1930's resembled the social and cultural background of the latter half of 20th century. The internal significance of Muralism expressed in the modern fashion was categorized as attaching importance to human the pursuit of the utopia the tendency to nationalism Satriric and moral painting. First Attaching importance to human in the modern fashion expressed the recovery of humanity by meaning in opposition to moral crisis of the human in the pluralistic society. Second The pursuit of the utopia in terms of interest the ideal way in the modern fashion expressed mysterious or hopeful through using religious colors motivies etc. Third The tendency to nationalism in the modern fashion expressed the painting of the masses in forms of mixing aboriginal culture elements and memorial elements. Fourth Satiric and moral painting in the modern fashion expressed wits or humorous style through using geometrical motives and light colors etc, indirectly expressed distress of modern men.
What this study aims is to analyze that how the stories of Prince Hodong are represented in modern historical fictions. The stories have been reproduced in many forms such as TV dramas, films, fictions, plays. It can be depicted that the narratives are indeed national and popular. Interestingly, however, the description of Hodong has not been found in pre-modern documents or fictions. The story began to appear and became popular in 1935 by Yoon Baek Nam. It can be explained that the narratives are the one of the example of the invented tradition since it became visible in modern period. Yoon, Lee Tae Joon, and Yu Chi Jin have constructed the character of Hodong what we are familiar with. Yoon depicted Hodong as a romatic lover with the motif of a lovers suicide. Lee and Yu put a context of nationalism by explaining Nakrang as a Nakrangkun of Hansagun(the four colonies of China). These are pure invention of the writers which cannot be found in The History of Three Kingdoms(三國史記). These characters are closely related with the surrounding of their own society. Yoon shows how the past can be seen as a nostalgic object by modern aesthetic perspective. Lee illustrates the ambiguous thought of a colonial intellectual who (anti)internalizes the ideology of militarism. Yu tries to find the way to recover the muscularity of the nation by re-colouring the memory of the past. These, the representations created in various contexts, make our common knowledges of Prince Hodong nowadays.
As a case study, this paper historicizes the film culture in Namchon district in Keijo(京城) based on a preliminary research on the film ephemera produced during the colonial period. Through cross-examining articles appeared in Japanese newspapers and magazines at the time, this paper empirically reconstructs the Japanese settlers' film culture in Keijo, a colonial city whose cultural environment was ethnically divided into 'Bukchon' and 'Namchon.' During the silent era, movie theaters in the Namchon district not only played a role of cinema chain through which films imported and distributed by Japanese film companies were circulated and exhibited but also served as a cultural community for Japanese settlers who migrated to a colony. The film ephemera issued by each theater not only provided information about the movie program, but also connected these Japaneses settlers in colonial city, Keijo to the homogeneous space and time in Japan proper. Both as a minority and colonizer in a colony, these Japanese settlers experienced a sense of 'unity' that could 'distinguish' their ethnic identity differentiated from Koreans through watching movies in this ethnically segregated cultural environment. In doing so, they were also able to connect themselves to their homeland in Japan Proper, despite on a cultural level. This is a cultural practice that strengthens a kind of long distance nationalism. Examining Japanese film culture through film ephemera would not only contribute to the previous scholarship on modern theater culture and spectatorship established since the 2000s, but also be a meaningful attempt to find ways and directions for film history research through non-film materials.
Guided by the prism of cultural studies, this paper takes a look at the Manila Korea Town in Malate, Manila. The location, Manila Korea Town, figures as the paper's object of study by exploring, theorizing, and reflecting on its presence and location within the horizon of the signifying powers of Korea-Philippine relations in the contemporary period. With the subject position of this essay, the paper theorizes by responding to the following questions: How does the meaning-making of South Korea fare with other Koreatowns in the world from the scale of Koreatown in Manila? Subsequently, what happens to a place when a global cultural phenomenon evolves into a form of placemaking in a different nation and territory? As Koreatown finally grounds itself in the anarchic lifeworld of Manila, what does this historical development in our urban lives reveal about our contemporary times? Responding to this set of questions led this paper to foreground the idea of a modular imagined community within a four-part discussion. The body of the essay begins by theorizing on the concept that this paper proposes, modular imagined community, and such a concept work draws from the theories of nationalism by Benedict Anderson and Partha Chatterjee. Subsequently, the antinomy between Anderson and Chatterjee is pursued by looking at the history of such a place, and through this step, the paper unravels the character of the place of Manila Korea Town, which explains the conditions of possibility of such social and communitarian formation. Yet as the public is caught by the presence of such development especially at the heart of Manila, the paper expands the scale and viewpoint by shining light on the globality of South Korea in relation to the Philippines. Lastly, this paper closes with a discussion on the food culture facilitated by this recent development, which also pushes us to imagine its potential, especially in light of the critique raised against South Korea and the popular culture associated with this phenomenon.
This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.
Mun Il-pyeong(1888-1939) is famous for a nationalist historian led history into popular style to enlighten the public. This paper aims to overview the characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history based on prior studies on Mun Il-pyeong's works. The characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history shows us people centric trend based on a struggle of classes. For the people, he insisted that description of history should be easy and scientific for the people who are host of history. And Mun Il-pyeong insisted the harmony of nationalist history and positive history. This was a progressive attitude in writing history at that time. Another characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history is that he considered cultural history as important. Mun Il-pyoeng wanted to overcome the ashamed political history by cultural history. In this intention, Korean history was again born proudful by him. Mun Il-pyoeng pursued open nationalism, not ultra-nationalism by connecting with other world. This paper focused on the essential part of Mun Il-pyoeng's history. Many scholars think Mun Il-pyeong focused on Korean modern history or history of foreign relation. But I think Mun Il-pyeong attached importance to Practical Learning, Sirhak in late Joseon dynasty. Because Sirhak contained Mun Il-pyeong's academic intention, Modernism and Culturism dreamed from his youth age. Therefore he led so-called Joseonhak Undong meaning study of Sirhak. Studying Sirhak made Mun Il-pyeong open a new direction Korean modern history have to go.
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