• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.51-77
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• 2016

This paper argues and shows how ethnic dimension is still very important in understanding political contestations in Malaysia. To do this, the paper reviews the political as well as population demography to back its assertion. And it is not necessarily improper to continue to use this ethnic lens, although the continued use of this approach has come under heavy criticism both within and from outside Malaysia. Raging debates in Malaysia and by Malaysians are still very much shaped by ethnicity and increasing regional differences. This is further compounded by other factors such as religion, language, and education. In fact, these tools have been more intensely used of late compared to any period before in history as they easily politicize and attract followers.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.145-161
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• 2016

Using the Sunflower movement as a case study, this article seeks to articulate a theoretical framework to evaluate online "free spaces" as tools for political mobilization. To this end, this article conducts a thematic and content analysis of 151 posts on the official Facebook page of the Sunflower movement. Key results uncover four thematic functions among posts - expressive, informative, informative-support, and promotional - that overlap, in which the expressive theme prevails, and two thematic topics discussed by posts - damages by protesters and their ideology of freedom. I conclude that: (1) combining the logistic and thematic dimensions of posts enables a specific understanding of an online free space's political viability and anticipates the campaigns it will connect itself to; (2) the networked nature of the Sunflower movement page prompts the reconceptualization of (i) online free spaces as nodes through which various political campaigns and struggles are thematically connected by a political ideology; (ii) inactivity as a strategy where protest capital and followers accumulate to prepare and empower future mobilizations.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.1825-1844
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• 2019

Political campaigns circulate manipulative opinions in online communities to implant false beliefs and eventually win elections. Not only is this type of manipulation unfair, it also has long-lasting negative impacts on people's lives. Existing tools detect political manipulation based on a supervised classifier, which is accurate when trained with large labeled data. However, preparing this data becomes an excessive burden and must be repeated often to reflect changing manipulation tactics. We propose a practical detection system that requires moderate groundwork to achieve a sufficient level of accuracy. The proposed system groups opinions with similar properties into clusters, and then labels a few opinions from each cluster to build a classifier. It also models each opinion with features deduced from raw data with no additional processing. To validate the system, we collected over a million opinions during three nation-wide campaigns in South Korea. The system reduced groundwork from 200K to nearly 200 labeling tasks, and correctly identified over 90% of manipulative opinions. The system also effectively identified transitions in manipulative tactics over time. We suggest that online communities perform periodic audits using the proposed system to highlight manipulative opinions and emerging tactics.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.61-93
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• 2015

This article assesses and examines democratic potentials of the Internet for U.S. citizens' political participation. The empirical analysis on the data from Pew Research Center's questionnaire survey focuses on four different political activities in both online and offline modes: casual political talk, contact with a government official, petition, and political contribution. The study answers two research inquiries: 1) How does the Internet influence the established patterns of political participation?; and 2) How does the Internet influence the demographic distribution of participatory inequality? Firstly, the Internet, by providing existing participants with additional tools for participation, reinforces conventional participation, rather than mobilizing new participation in politics. Secondly, the online patterns of the participation divide with respect to demographic characteristics imitate the traditional patterns of inequality and disproportionate representativeness in political participation. The Internet is still not a predominant medium for political activities. Citizens' utilization of its transformative and mobilizing potentials remains limited.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.149-156
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• 2021

Text mining is one of the useful tools to discover public opinion and perception regarding political issues from big data. It is very common that users of social media express their opinion with newly-coined words such as slang and emoji. However, those new words are not effectively captured by traditional text mining methods that process text data using a language dictionary. In this study, we propose effective methods to extract newly-coined words that connote the political stance and opinion of users. With various text mining techniques, I attempt to discover the context and the political meaning of the new words.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.235-243
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• 2022

To help the industry, outsourcing was found to be the most efficient method. An extensive literature analysis was done to assess the macroeconomic factors associated with outsourcing to supplement the anxious parties' decision-making process with evidence-based comprehensive tools. As a theoretical framework for evaluating these issues, transaction cost economies and resource-based perspective theories are investigated. Outsourcing is proven to be a result of energy crises and political instability. The advantages of outsourcing assist major industries in the economy. To discover the key drivers behind outsourcing, we used the vector autoregressive (VAR model) and step-wise regression techniques for the period 1992 to 2016. This research adds to the literature in that it not only explains the energy issue but also discusses the dilemma of political instability in the country in the context of outsourcing. The findings indicate that labor cost and export tendency have a positive impact on outsourcing strategy, which confirms the study's third and fourth hypotheses. Customs tax, inflation, and the unemployment rate, on the other hand, have a negative impact on textile outsourcing in Pakistan, according to the study's fifth, sixth, and seventh hypotheses.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.327-357
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• 2023

Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.201-234
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• 2020

In recent years, the studies on the student movement in Republican China have been more accurate. However, some areas still remain uncovered, such as the technology of student movement. In this paper, the author focuses on how students utilize sound tools in their movements, especially in public meetings. During the May 4^th Movement and the 1920s, Chinese students mainly used speaking trumpets without electricity. In the 1930s, electric tools began to appear in student movement for sound propagation. In the student movement of postwar China, students of various political positions could make a use of loudspeaker, wired broadcasting, and megaphone or other equipments. The battle of sound had been part of the Chinese civil war. In general, sound tools had taken an important role in the history of student radicalism.

• 한국정보교육학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2021.08a
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• pp.93-99
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to analyze recently developed tools and relevant literature in order to discuss development scheme of augmented reality-based programming tools targeting elementary school students. Literature review draws conclusion that touch mode in the mobile augmented reality is effective, especially in the environment where manipulates commands and it is required to design contents taking class environment and teaching-learning strategy into account. Such research findings indicate that augmented reality-based programming tools targeting elementary school students should be designed to increase their interest in programming in a way that when physical teaching materials or specific space are recognized, the programmed problems will be augmented to allow students to combine the commands in the augmented environment.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• v.15 no.10
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• pp.3571-3587
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• 2021

For accurately analysing and forecasting the social networks of China's political, economic and social power elites, it is necessary to develop a database that collates their information. The development of such a database involves three stages: data definition, data collection and data quality maintenance. The present study recommends distinctive solutions in overcoming the challenges that occur in existing comparable databases. We used organizational and event factors to identify the Chinese power elites to be included in the database, and used their memberships, social relations and interactions in combination with flows data collection methodologies to determine the associations between them. The system can be used to determine the optimal relationship path (i.e., the shortest path) to reach a target elite and to identify of the most important power elite in a social network (e.g., degree, closeness and eigenvector centrality) or a community (e.g., a clique or a cluster). We have used three social network analysis tools (i.e., R, UCINET and NetMiner) in order to find the important nodes in the network. We compared the results of centrality rankings of each tool. We found that all three tools are providing slightly different results of centrality. This is because different tools use different algorithms and even within the same tool there are various libraries which provide the same functionality (i.e., ggraph, igraph and sna in R that provide the different function to calculate centrality). As there are chances that the results may not be the same (i.e. centrality rankings indicating the most important nodes can be varied), we recommend a comparison test using different tools to get accurate results.