• 대한지리학회지
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• 제41권1호
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• pp.39-57
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• 2006

장소마케팅 전략은 도시문화의 발전이냐 혹은 파괴냐를 둘러싼 다양한 의미와 담론 및 실천들이 끊임없이 생성되고, 서로 부딪히며, 교섭하는 문화정치의 장이 될 수 있다. 따라서 장소마케팅 전략이 지니는 문화적 함의에 대한 명확한 이론적 이해가 필요하다. 그런 의미에서 이 논문은 장소마케팅 전략이 도시문화발전 전략으로서 자리매김하는데 필요한 개념과 방법론을 제시하고자 한다. 먼저 공간의 문화정치학과 장소마케팅에 대한 문화정치적 관점을 살펴보았다. 다음으로 도시문화발전 전략으로서 장소마케팅의 문화적 의의를 도출하고, 장소마케팅 전략의 개념과 특성을 문화적인 관점에서 재구성하였다. 마지막으로 장소마케팅 전략 수립의 과정을 장소 전략과 마케팅 전략의 차원에서 정립하고, 마케팅믹스 요소(O_IPTCR)와 문화정치적 요소(SAUNE 요소)를 도출하여 장소마케팅 전략 수립의 방법론을 체계화하였다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.145-161
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• 2016

Using the Sunflower movement as a case study, this article seeks to articulate a theoretical framework to evaluate online "free spaces" as tools for political mobilization. To this end, this article conducts a thematic and content analysis of 151 posts on the official Facebook page of the Sunflower movement. Key results uncover four thematic functions among posts - expressive, informative, informative-support, and promotional - that overlap, in which the expressive theme prevails, and two thematic topics discussed by posts - damages by protesters and their ideology of freedom. I conclude that: (1) combining the logistic and thematic dimensions of posts enables a specific understanding of an online free space's political viability and anticipates the campaigns it will connect itself to; (2) the networked nature of the Sunflower movement page prompts the reconceptualization of (i) online free spaces as nodes through which various political campaigns and struggles are thematically connected by a political ideology; (ii) inactivity as a strategy where protest capital and followers accumulate to prepare and empower future mobilizations.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.1-16
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• 2008

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.19-37
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• 2008

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.5-18
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• 2008

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.111-145
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• 2023

본 연구는 중국 상장기업의 정치적 연계(political connections)가 기업의 사회적 책임(Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) 활동에 미치는 영향을 확인하고 있다. 기업은 정치적 연계를 '비시장 전략(non-market strategy)'으로 인지하여, 이를 통해 획득한 다양한 혜택을 경영 활동에 적극적으로 활용하고자 한다. 반면에 이러한 정치적 연계를 활용하고자 하는 기업은 그 혜택에 대한 대가로 정부의 사회 정책적인 의무를 수행해야 할 필요성이 제기된다. 특히, 중국 정부는 기업이 CSR 활동을 통하여 산재되어 있는 사회문제를 적극적으로 해소해주기를 원하고 있다. 이에 따라 정치적 연계를 통하여 정부로부터 경영상의 혜택을 획득하고자 하는 기업은 적극적인 CSR 활동을 통하여 정부의 요구를 수용하고 있다는 신호를 보낼 필요성이 제기된다. 이러한 환경에서 본 연구는 기업의 정치적 연계가 정부가 요구하는 CSR 활동을 수행하는 요인으로 작용하는지를 2013년부터 2019년까지 중국 전체 상장기업을 대상으로 실증적인 검증을 한다. 분석 결과, 중앙정부와 정치적 연계를 지닌 기업을 중심으로 CSR 활동에 긍정적인 영향을 주는 것을 보여준다. 또한, 이러한 관계에서 정부 보조금이 매개효과로 작용하면서, 중앙정부와 정치적 연계가 있는 기업은 정부로부터 혜택을 얻는 것과 동시에 정부의 사회 정책적인 의무를 모두 수행하고 있는 것을 의미한다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.1-18
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• 2021

This study investigates the influence of social network services (SNS) and political podcasts on youth participation in candlelight rallies leading up to the impeachment of the Korean president. It also examines the effect of SNS and podcasts on online participation through SNSs. It was found that engaging in political discussions with friends or parents and news media use, including TV and Internet newspapers, exerted a major positive influence on participation in the rallies. However, SNS had a negative influence, while podcasts did not have a significant effect. On the other hand, SNS and podcasts had a positive influence on online participation. The results of structural equation modeling showed that SNS and podcasts affected SNS participation in the mediation of political discussion and political efficacy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.47-81
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• 2016

This paper has attempted to examine the political and operational contexts within which North Korea's latest acts of nuclear blackmail, its test-firing of an SLBM on April 23rd 2016 and its fourth nuclear test on January 6^th 2016, should be understood. Analysis of the KN-11 SLBM and the Sinpo-class SSB is based on official South Korean, US and others sources, especially the ROK MND, as well as other resources from South Korea, US and others. Unfortunately, the results of this exploration are inconclusive: there is simply not enough evidence available at present to either confirm or refute the existence of a functional North Korean SLBM and SSB. Nevertheless, the North Korean determination to possess such assets should not be taken lightly. But even accepting North Korea's claims about its SLBMs at face value, which is undermined by news of apparently unsuccessful follow-up test-firings in November, and probably December 2015, there is little proof that North Korea has yet succeeded in miniaturizing its nuclear warhead, so the most extravagant fears are not yet justified. Taken together with North Korea's latest announcement of a supposed successful SLBM ejection-test, on March 23^th 2016, the KN-11 SLBM claims should probably be seen as primarily about proving North Korea's status as a nuclear power, both to exert external political pressure and to bolster internal political support for Kim Jong-un's rule. In conclusion, this paper recommends formulating a preemptive anti-access strategy for the ROKN, proposes acquiring an ASW CV and SSNs to implement submarine strategic deterrent patrols, and urges extending the existing limited AORs to facilitate the preemptive anti-access strategy. Other deterrence options may be suggested, but it is surely significant that the ROKN has recently publically referred to the deployment of an ASW CV and SSNs for the first time.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.45-62
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• 2009