• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.25-61
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• 2018

Nowadays 87 regimes born in the same year with the Korean Association for Political Economy(KAPE in abbreviation) have ended historically. This paper surveys the research trends of KAPE after 2007 for the 30th founding anniversary. This survey is expected to help research way forward of KAPE. The main contents of the surveys are as follows. Global finance crisis caused by subprime mortgage crisis in 2007 expanded to global economic crisis resulting in the crisis of economics. KAPE criticized the mainstream economics with different approach and methodology as well as political economy copying with the crisis of economics and then focused on economics of inequality. However, the progressive economics is depressed under the conservative regime after 2007. As a result, the progressive economics have experienced the crisis of reproduction of knowledge and have become the peripheral science in Korea. With new regimes after 87 regimes, more important than restoration of the progressive economics is rebirth as the progressive economics corresponding to new regime and new era. This is responsibility of KAPE as the single association of the progressive economics in Korea.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.269-303
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• 2012

이 연구는 1960년부터 2009년까지의 시계열횡단연구(cross-sectional time series) 자료를 이용하여 동남아시아의 각국의 자연자원에 대한 의존도와 정치체제 사이의 상관관계를 밝히고자 하였다. 동남아시아는 중동과 서부사하라 아프리카와 더불어 전 세계에서 가장 자연자원이 풍부한 지역 가운데 하나이나, 관련된 연구는 자료의 부족으로 인해 타 지역에 비해 그다지 축적되어 있지 못한 상태이며, 그나마 단일 사례 혹은 국가에 치중되어 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 기존 자연자원의존도와 정치체제와의 경험적 연구들에서 주장된 인과 관계들이 동남아시아에서도 적용될 수 있는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 본 연구는 동남아시아에서도 한 국가의 자연자원에 대한 의존도의 증가가 민주주의 발전에 부정적인 영향을 끼친다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 구체적으로 본 연구에서 자연자원 의존도로 사용하였던 두 가지 지표인 총 수출 대비 자연자원 수출비율과 국민 총생산 대비 자연자원 수입비율 모두 민주주의 수준을 종속변수로 상정한 각 모델에서 음의 상관계수를 보여주었다. 기존 연구들에서 다루어졌던 주요 이론들인 지대추구(rent-seeking), 지대국가(rentier state), 근대화(modernization)이론을 대표하는 통제변수들을 사용한 대부분의 결과 역시 기존 문헌의 주장을 뒷받침 하고 있다. 그러나 내전 발발과 이슬람을 비롯한 일부 통제변수들의 경우에는 기존 민주화 관련 연구결과와는 상반된 결과를 나타내기도 하였다. 이러한 동남아시아의 지역적 특수성을 보여주는 결과는 후속 연구에 의미있는 시사점을 제시해 줄 것이다.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.29-36
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• 2022

This study uses the panel probit model to investigate and evaluate the relationship between exchange rate regimes, political stability, and carbon dioxide during currency crises. To understand currency crisis times, we study a panel dataset of seven South Asian nations that contain annual observations from 1996 to 2020. Furthermore, we created the EMPI exchange market pressure indicator to detect crises. Our results strongly suggested that fixed exchange rate is negatively associated with currency crises, with good regulatory quality and better effective governments. Simultaneously, the floating exchange rate is positively related to the currency crises in those countries where the rule of law has less adequately flowed. However, CO₂, exports, and interest rates are buoyantly associated with crises. The floating exchange rate, the rule of law, exports, and interest rate are associated positively and contribute more prone to the crisis episodes. Negatively associated variables contributed less amid crises episodes: fixed exchange rate regime, government effectiveness, and regulatory quality. Meanwhile, CO₂ has a positive relationship with a currency crisis and contributes more likelihood to the probability of a currency crisis. Countries that adopted the fixed exchange rates with effective governments and regulatory quality faced more minor currency crises.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.69-81
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• 2021

Pakistan is a South Asian auspicious developing country. Based on the corruption perception index report 2020 by transparency international, Pakistan has ranked 124 with total scores of 31 globally and 188 ranks with a score of -2.25 in terms of political stability ranging from 0 (lowest) to 100 (highest). More crucially, the inflow of foreign direct investment toward Pakistan has declined between 2008 and 2019. Though political instability and government corruption have both positive and negative linear relationships with foreign direct investment, we tested the moderating impact of government corruption between political instability and inward foreign direct investment over time. We also tested the relationship between political instability and inward foreign direct investment in different phases of political regimes in the same country. Our results suggested that authoritarian regimes attracted more inward foreign direct investment than that during democratic periods of government. Furthermore, we found that there was low inward foreign direct investment when government corruption was high in the country. However, government corruption weakened the positive relationship between political instability and inward foreign direct investment (FDI).

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.273-285
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• 2006

As the political arguments on international power concept has gradually been deepened, the role of international regimes, defined as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which nation-actors' expectations converge in a given issue-area, has also been reinforced. There are many ways of understanding about international regimes. In terms of realistic theories, international regimes are one of methods of maintaining hegemonic power order of hegemonic nation and in terms of liberalistic theories, international regimes are understood as the products of mutual inter-dependence of nations in changing international society. As a matter of fact, if we take structural causes and regime consequences into severe consideration, we can find not a few characteristics of international regimes, such as security regime, world trade and fiance regime, ocean regime, environmental regime, human right regime, etc. This paper will examine the changing concept of power after World War II in three categories of hard power (military power), meta power (regime creating power), and soft power (advanced in cultural, diplomatical, and technological power). This paper will provide the evidence of why the changing power concepts will be strongly related with the emergence of international regimes. The UN convention on the law of the sea will chosen as a standard case of the ocean regime and it's regime structure and role will also be analysed in both realistic :md liberalistic theories. Futhermore, the nations' interests involved in the UN convention on the law of the sea will be analytically classified and finally a future prospectus of the UN convention on the law of the sea as an ocean regime will be tested.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.617-628
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• 2018

The aim of this essay is to discuss the relationship between Korean literature and Korean intellectual scenes. Since its first introduction to the local context, literature as a genre has served as a field in which colonial and post-colonial intellectuals have attempted to win the accreditation of Western enlightenment. Literature has been regarded as a crucial instrument of liberal arts and education in Korea. Literature has functioned as a social movement in Korea since its inception. During the colonial period, radical intellectuals and literary writers published essays and articles in literary journals. This status as a social movement is still a distinctive characteristic of Korean literature. From the outset, Korean literature has functioned as an enlightenment project for cultural development. As such, Korean literature retains a political meaning of "literariness," which reshuffles the hierarchy of the sensible and creates novelty against given aesthetic regimes. As a result, in the process these regimes are thereby de-purified of their status as purely aesthetic movements; their perspectives thereby come into contact with other discourses and practices outside the art world. This essay argues that as a genre, Korean literature always functions as "world literature" in Korean intellectual scenes.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.82-92
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• 2017

The Korean state evolved as a distinct entity in a region of major power convergence and conflict. All states, as human constructions, seek sovereignty and life security of their subjects/citizens, and are rotted in organic society. In the Republic of Korea, constitutional order has provided a framework for political action and a succession of regimes - authoritarianism, military dictatorship, and constitutional democracy. Since 1960 two paradigms have undergone a cycle of growth and decline, and a third, since the 2016 candlelight demonstrations in Gwanghwamun, may be the beginnning of a third generation paradigm - populist constitutionalism.

• Proceedings of the Korean Professional Engineer Association Conference
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• 1992.12a
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• pp.129-132
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• 1992

Economic development is the common problem for Northeast Asian Countries, even if their political regimes are defferent. What we based on the economic development are infrastructure and regional development. As a matter of course, they have to be accompanied with science and technology. In the Japan Sea(the Eastern Sea) Rim, it is expected that a regional development zone based on the idea of a “borderless world” will be established. Moreover science and technology as well as capital are also expected to be invested in that 3one. That is to say, the regional development Bone needs Japanese and Korea capital, science and technology.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.2 s.113
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• pp.195-211
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• 2006

During the 1986-1994 Uruguay Round negotiations under the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (later World Trade Organization), the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) was adopted by participating countries. TRIPS has not only allowed intellectual property to be introduced into international trade arenas, but also extended the scope of protection to biodiversity such as plant genetic material, arguing that intellectual property rights (IPRs) would help conserve biodiversity. In this paper, I aim to deconstruct the global IPRs regimes over biodiversity by adopting geographers' sensitivity to place and scale as an analytical window. By investigating how all the issues regarding IPRs over biodiversity that are raised by diverse disciplines, such as environmental ethics, environmental economics and political economy approach, are scale-related, I demonstrate how biodiversity IPRs, and its introduction into international trade agreements, though separate issues with no inevitable relationship to one another, have been put together for the construction of global IPRs regimes. I argue that the notion on the construction of scale (i.e., rhetorical and discursive construct of globalization) can contribute to revealing how fragile global environmental conservation regimes are.