• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.31
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• pp.203-214
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• 1997

The neck is the human body is closely con-nected with the life and properties of keeping warm as one of the opening part in clothes. In ancient times it was put on necklace for the protection of neck and in Rome it was worn muffler called focale for the protection of neck throat. in addition cravat directly originated in necktie today was primarily worn for the protection of soldier's neck and has been turned into decorative purpose until today. As the ornament is developed to vari-ous kinds of form the neck decoration is changed and grown again and again. Therefore this thesis studies history of the neckwear and various the symbolic factor. The first factor is the social. The neckwear shows the social position class and status and does social mutual interaction as conversation starters. The second factor is the mental It express individuality fondness attitude and is felt to be indignity by being forced to be worn. The third factor is the political. it shows political tendency by indicating the royal sign or part's sign in necktie like the French royal-ist's green muffler The forth factor is the man's sexual. I expresses wearing stock being brave symbol-izing independence. The sixth factor is the traditional. It is worn with appearing traditionand custom and one of cultural movements. The seventh factor is the ideological. It symbolizes the freedom of suffragettes and emancipation of woman. The social factor is the most extensive among them. The neckwear is various in the way of expression like its kinds and is generalized, It functions as a independent part of clothes.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.43-56
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• 2018

Religion and new media are two important factors in contemporary Middle Eastern societies. Media is seen as a relatively newcomer while religion has been and remains an old and core component of the fabric of societies in this region. This article is an attempt to examine the encounter of these two phenomena in the Middle East. It will try to explore the variety of ways by which new media have served religion both positively and negatively, and how religion has taken position for and against media in Middle Eastern countries in general and in the Iranian case in particular. It is also the purpose of this article to look at the different aspects of this relationship between media and religion, analyzing how one affected the other, and how this interaction affected society. It is argued that the outcome of the interaction between religion and media has had a great impact on shaping the social and political culture of the countries in this region including Iran. The dimensions of this impact will determine the outcome of the clash between modernity and tradition in the region.

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.31-38
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• 2021

Purpose: This paper uses the resource-dependency theory to present the case of the Pakistan sugar industry to highlight how the industry uses a strategic alliance to gain a powerful bargaining position over its critical dependencies. The case of the Pakistan sugar industry is well-known and it is common knowledge that the alliance or the cartel within it is responsible for frequent price hikes and sugar supply shortages in the country. Research design, data and methodology: We use a case study, qualitative document analysis design to trace how the alliance overcomes its various dependencies, and in doing so, how does it harm various stakeholder interests. Results: This paper finds that the sugar industry alliance maintains its bargaining power by manipulating sugar supply through horizontal alliances, political affiliations, underselling and under-reporting sugar stocks, purchasing sugarcane from the black market, and by gaining billions of rupees in export subsidies by hoarding stock and using its political connections. Conclusion: The paper concludes by providing a summary of the measures which the government has taken to curb this anticompetitive conduct; the most important of which is the removal of protectionist measures for sugar trade and allowing market forces to control the demand and supply of sugar in the local market.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.9
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• pp.11-22
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• 2021

This study investigates the long-run relationship between the de jure economic, political, and social globalization and foreign direct investments in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to establish whether policies that foster trade and investment relations among geographical entities can help revive the GCC countries from the prevailing economic debacles of the COVID-19 pandemic. This study is driven by the GCC's quest to fully overcome the economic challenges occasioned by the outbreak of the global pandemic and position itself as the most potent regional economic bloc in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The study employs the panel data of the six GCC countries of Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, and Saudi Arabia from 1971 to 2017. The findings of the panel fully modified ordinary least square regression estimation show that the de jure economic and social globalization have a significant positive impact on the region's foreign direct investment inflows. The impact of the de jure political globalization on foreign direct investment is statistically significant but negatively signed. Based on the preceding findings, we offer some holistic policy recommendations to the GCC region as recipes for timely recovery from the economic impact of COVID-19 and beyond.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.56 no.7 s.106
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• pp.69-78
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• 2006

In the early Joseon when royal authority was not still firmly established, King Taejong, or Lee Bang Won tried to make their political position guaranteed through relationships with Ming, making efforts to develop relations with the Chinese nation positively. This political orientation towards Ming by of the king Taejong was also clearly reflected in the settlement of official uniform in the early Joseon, which can be described as follows. Gaoming(誥命), Yinxin(印信) and Mianfu(冕服) granted by Ming for the first time since the foundation of Joseon suggested that the Chinese nation recognized the formal settlement of Joseon dynasty and the inauguration of King Taejong. presumedly, the grants played a critical role in the firm establishment by King Taejong of his royal authority under unstable political conditions. Under the reign of King Taejong, Joseon tried to abolish ancient regime and, instead, accept systems and institutions of Ming as it maintained smooth relations with the Chinese nation. King Taejong whose royal authority was locally deemed lack in legitimacy and morality wanted to receive the moral recognition of his reign. So the monarch tried to not only strengthen his authority, but also take in advanced culture and civilization through submissive diplomatic relations with Ming. This was a practical diplomatic strategy that was clearly discriminated from toadyism. It was a policy towards Ming, pursuing substantial national benefit. Therefore, official uniform system under the reign of King Taejong should be understood accordingly.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.103-117
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• 2018

This article aims to examine European reactions against the Ottoman mission headed by Enver Pasha, who was dispatched to China during the 'Boxer Uprising' in 1901. Based on Western archival documents, we can find reliable and informative correspondence about the attitude of the European countries toward the sultan's mission and its pan-Islamic plans in China. The coming of the Ottoman mission caused great reaction in such European countries as Britain, France, Germany and Russia, who were engaged in a competitive power struggle for an influential political and economic position in China. They kept a close watch on the sultan's envoy to find out his secret mission on the one hand and tried to persuade Enver Pasha not to work against their advantage in China on the other. From time to time, Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), the sultan of the Ottoman Empire, sent China an official mission and secret agents, through whom he tried to subjugate Chinese Muslims for his own advantage. The significance for the Ottoman Empire of any success in penetrating China by way of a pan-Islamic approach cannot be overrated, not only for political advantage but also for commercial and cultural benefit. Like other European countries, Ottomans could retain or gain rights which might bring them opportunities for free trade in opium and in other commodities. The sultan believed that they would constitute a great political factor to his advantage, because most of the tens of millions of Chinese Muslims recognized the Ottoman sultan as their caliph and praised him in their Friday sermon (Khutuba). Taking these factors into consideration, he decided to dispatch the Enver Pasha mission during the Boxer Uprising (1898-1901), responding to the suggestion of German Kaiser Wilhelm II. However, when the Ottoman mission arrived in China, the uprising had already been suppressed. This unexpected situation made the envoy initiate meaningful contacts with Chinese Muslims during its stay in China.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2021

This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.

• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.06a
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• pp.107-143
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• 2005

Mobile service that geography, position by development of space Information Technology and technology of communications, space are various to us now becoming limelight as point contents and infra information that customers do demand based on radio superhigh speed authentication net on highly information society by offer infringement problem about individual's privacy or information by political and scientific interest be injured. Purpose of this study grasps use factor of LBS application Mobile service, and it is that analyze actual proof through questionnaire to grasp whether some relation is with value and action determination that is felt of LBS application Mobile service. Distributed all question of 190 copies but disk floret inclination did valid data 171 that clear question and omission remove a lot of questions by type of study among questionnaire of collected 182 wealths. Analyzed factor analysis and authoritativeness to search validity and confidence of questionnaire and used single regression analysis and multiple regression analysis for hypothetical verification. According to verification result, Mobile service that apply position base service usefulness and system quality, adaptedness of Mobile service that apply position base service by leading person affecting in use, acted for connection healthy and felt value is important factor immediately. Usability and social effect, felt expense, privacy did not appear by leading person that keep in mind in this study. Is been related with step that Mobile service that apply position base service is placed. That is, as present childhood, a person who have experience that use service to look for friend is few and usability fairly in last in wide application boundary and this very important person was removed finally in model. This study has sense in terms of study systematically about LBS application service use leading person that is getting into the spotlight worldwide among Mobile service that is injured newly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.104-139
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• 2016

This study investigated how Korean media covered Japan's position on her past history issues proposed by Abe' Shinzo's cabinet. The researchers adopted Entman's analytical tools for frame analysis and the concept of "frame changing" proposed by Chi and McCombs. The analysis rendered several propositions. First of all, the Korean media's coverage on Japan's past history issues focused heavily on the current conflict among two nations rather than constructing a futuristic viewpoint based on a thorough discussion on the historical background of the topic. In addition, it emphasized that the conflict should be resolved by political negotiations between the two governments. Secondly, the news coverages depicted "comfort women" issues as the prime element of the conflict, describing Abe's cabinet as the major inducer of the conflict. Ideological and political divisions among Korean media did not significantly influence on how they frame Japan's past history issues. In general, Korean media took the stance of ethnocentric "patriotic journalism," advocating Korean government's position and covering the emotional reactions from Korean public instead of providing through and through objective news coverage on Japan's past history issues.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.