• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.147-156
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• 2017

This research aimed at suggesting the implication of Korean unification education based on German unification education, which country achieved unification from the divided country as Korea. Germany named unification education as the political education. German political education includes democratic citizen education, peace education, and solidarity education between the peoples. Also, besides school unification education, civic organization and parties treat political education. German political education is conducted by being shared with role by main government and several organizations, when the federal government level suggests a big frame. Also, political education with proper content could be conducted suitable for the characteristic of main area and the color of the party and civic organizations. Of course, federal government supports administrative financial support enough on this. In such situation, German people have naturally accepted and developed political education without distance. This situation has lots of implication on Korea. First, systematic system of unification education. In Korea, unification education is conducted mainly by Ministry of Unification and Education Center for Unification. However, in order to naturally approach the people, systematic system synthesizing civic organization, local government, religious organization, and educational local government should be established. Second, 'integration within acknowledgement of diversity'. In Korea, also, diversity should be acknowledged by being suggested by the country with the big frame, and the detailed parts by various institutions and civic organizations as Germany. Third, conversion to integrated education of unification education. Germany is conducting comprehensive education naming unification education as the political education. We also should prepare for coming unification in the near future by complementing the content by converting the mere unification education to comprehensive and integrated education.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.53-82
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• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.132-148
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• 2014

The objective of this research is to provide data for the power dressing of female politicians when analyzing the fashion styling of Margaret Thatcher. The method is based on considering Margaret Thatcher's life and political career, together with the power dressing of politicians from domestic and foreign literature, advanced research and internet. In addition, 133 clothing photos of Margaret Thatcher's costumes are collected from the internet and several web-sites. The fashion styling being displayed from 4 May 1979 to 28 November 1990 are classified with the 1st term, 2nd term, 3rd term depending on the prime minister. We then analyze items, colors, patterns and fashion accessories. And also observe the power dressing through Thatcher's fashion styling. The results of this study are as follows: Margaret Thatcher expresses authority through blue clothes which symbolizes conservatism at conservative parties, black clothes at formal parties, two or three piece of various colors at international conferences. She also has simple and impressive styles emphasizing accessories such as ribbons or pearls necklaces and earrings, brooches, and handbags. Margaret Thatcher fulfills the styling power dressing of a strong and feminine figure by using items symbolizing authority as a powerful woman.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2009

Arbitration is the system of resolving disputes not by the adjudication of a national court but by the award of an arbitrator or arbitrators. To settle disputes by arbitration, it should be concluded that the arbitration agreement which is implied that the parties agree to submit to the arbitral award about all or certain disputes which have arisen or which may arise between them in respect of defined legal relationships. It is a matter for debate that which types of dispute may be resolved by arbitration. This problem is concerning the arbitrability of the subject-matter of a dispute. National laws establish the domain of arbitration. Each state decides which matters may or may not be resolved by arbitration in accordance with its own political, social and economic policy. According to Korean Arbitration Act Art. 3 (1), any dispute in private laws would be the object of arbitral proceedings. Therefore, the parties may agree to arbitrate disputes relating to the rights that they freely dispose of. Besides, they may have the freedom to choose arbitration as the form of a dispute resolution. Because arbitration is a private proceeding with public consequences that some types of dispute are reserved for national courts, whose proceedings are generally in the public domain. It is this sense that they may not be the object of arbitration. After all, it could be the object of arbitral proceedings that disputes which are capable of a settlement by arbitration.

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.303-315
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to explore the mediator effect of the presidential candidate brand affiliated to the certain party toward enhancing the party brand equity and the presidential candidate brand value. In detail, firstly, the study attempts to identify the determinants of the party brand equity. Secondly, we clarify the factors of presidential candidate brand value. Finally, the paper testifies the proposed mediator model of the presidential candidate brand with respect to the impact of the belonging party brand equity in voting intention. Results show that the mediator effect of candidate brand exists between the affiliated party and the voting intention. In voting intention, the perceived quality of the party brand equity significantly influences on the candidate brand. Brand loyalty and Brand association of the party brand equity don't impact on the candidate brand significantly. In addition, the result proposes the all components of candidate brand value have significant impacts on voting intention. This paper is an initial attempts to regard the political parties and affiliated candidates in terms of brand marketing as the party brand equity and the candidate brand value respectively. With respect to better enhancing an approval rating, the study is proposed to the parties and candidates to-do list and direction of brand equity management.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.12
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• pp.183-189
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• 2021

Transfer pricing is a matter of concern for countries. It affects the interests of the parties involved in the commercial transaction. Through manipulation of prices in transactions, businesses take advantage of tax rates in a country to adjust profits for economic gain. This affects the fairness and rationality of economic transactions between related parties. The article uses a two-year time series from 2018 to 2019 of 50 foreign direct investment enterprises in Vietnam. The article uses ordinary least squares to test the hypotheses of the research model. The article uses four independent variables related to ownership structure affecting transfer pricing decisions including total ownership, organization ownership, concentration ownership, and area ownership. Research results show that two variables have a positive influence on transfer pricing decisions including total ownership and organization ownership. Organization ownership has a higher degree of influence than total ownership. To be able to control transaction activities related to transfer pricing, Vietnam's state management agencies need to pay attention to perfecting the legal framework based on supplementing and amending regulations related to transfer pricing. Legal regulations need to be regulated based on international common practices to ensure uniformity on a global scale.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.125-133
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• 2019

This study aimed to investigate the political system related to the Electronic Government Law by analyzing the process of the common initiative of the law. To achieve the goal, this study applied the method of social analysis and sugessted the proper role of the assembly for realizing the electronic government and its control. The data were gathered from the bill information service of the national assembly. Netminer 4.0 was used for refining and analyzing data. The results are as follows. First, by analyzing three centrality(degree, betweenness, and eigenvector) of assembly member, the network effect of the powered party and reelected members were revealed as strong in the network. Second, through the component analysis, 5 sub-network has shown in total. The sub-networks showed two distinctive difference between two big parties. By the difference, members in two parties showed different characteristics in constituting communities and the effect of the powered party revealed as strong and clear. Based on the result, this study demonstrated the necessity of social solidarity rather than solipsism in committing common initiative. And a chronological research is need to anlayze $18^{th}$ and $19^{th}$ assembly to verify the effect of the powered party in prospect study.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.91-110
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• 2021

In the face of the prolonged Covid-19, this study conducted a network analysis to propose the policy direction for the Korean National Assembly to go forward. Using COVID-19 news articles, various types of networks were created and analyzed for the parliamentary activities of the Korean National Assembly related to Covid-19. Specifically, we utilize the co-occurrence and keyword information to generate two types of parliamentary networks: co-occurrence-based network and content-based network. In addition, a topic keyword-driven parliamentary network was constructed by using topic modeling. The results of the study are as follows. First, lawmakers in the ruling party had a wide range of topics regarding Covid-19, while lawmakers from other political parties had a limited number of issues covered. Next, a few representative legislators were identified as influential actors in most of the centrality indicators. Based on the research results, cooperation on diverse agendas related to Covid-19 should be promoted between lawmakers from various political parties. And representative legislators from both major parties should play a crucial role as intermediaries to increase communication between them.