• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.107-144
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• 2023

In competitive political contexts, sustaining power is the ultimate goal for political parties. Nominating celebrity politicians can be a double-edged sword for parent brands in attracting votes and influencing voting intention. This study contributes to the moderating role of brand affinity towards celebrity politicians. It considers celebrities' cognitive perceived benefits and voting intention relationship in a multiparty parliamentarian election. A cross-sectional survey with a stratified proportional random sampling technique in fifteen Lebanese districts ensured a representative sample. One thousand two hundred sixty-nine responses were found eligible for analysis. Findings indicate that brand affinity positively moderates the negative relationship between perceived benefits and voting intention. This study offers a new understanding of celebrity politicians' implementation strategy and campaign management and considers the contribution of the affective intelligence theory. It provides implications, limitations, and promising directions for future research on celebrity politicians.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.189-195
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• 2024

The issue "Exploring Social Media and Other Crucial Success Elements of Attitude towards Politics and Intention for Voting in Pakistan" is a huge study embracing more issues. The politics of Pakistan is basically the politics of semantic groups. Pakistan is a multilingual state more than six languages. There are 245 religious parties in Pakistan, as elaborated by the Daily Times research. The use of social media sites in Pakistan peaked to its maximum after announcement of election schedule by the Election Commission of Pakistan in March 22, 2013. Most of the political parties used it for the recent elections in Pakistan to promote their agenda and attract country's 80 million registered electors. This study was aiming to investigate the role of social media and other critical variables in the attitude towards politics and intention for voting.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.35-67
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• 2019

This study aims to analyze and evaluate the outcomes of the far-right parties in the 2019 European Parliament (hereinafter EP) elections. To this end, this study refrains from the conventional method of analyzing the number of seats of the political group(s) classified as far-right in the EP. Instead, the study takes a method based on the party family classification by summing up the number of the EP members who have been elected to the far-right party within individual member states. There are two reasons for the analysis of EP election results based on this far-right party family. Firstly, some of the far-right members of the EP do not join the political group(s) classified as far-right, and secondly, some of the political group(s) classified as far-right tends to be inhomogeneous. In this vein, this study attempts to analyze the outcomes of the far-right party in the 2019 EP elections based on the classification of the far-right party family. As a result, this study shows that the assessment of the European major press based on the number of seats of the political group(s) classified as far-right in the EP was inconsistent with the actual political landscape. According to the analysis of election results based on the classification of the far-right party family, the number of seats secured by the far-right parties in the 2019 EP elections corresponded to or significantly exceeded the results of previous polls. In addition, this is a significant increase in the seats of the far-right parties compared to the 2014 EP elections, and it is reasonable to affirm that the far-right parties have made great strides in the 2019 EP elections.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The legislative cosponsorship network shows the legislative process of the National Assembly through the relationship between the members of the National Assembly formed by cosponsorship. This study focused on the library bill proposed during the 19th National Assembly term, and conducted the cosponsorship network analysis, the centrality analysis of actors of the National Assembly, and a subgroup analysis of keyword-centric networks. As the result of the study, the library bill's cosponsorship network was segmented according to political parties, and lawmakers who played an intermediary role in close proximity to other political party members had an important influence on the network. When restructured into a keyword-oriented network, the network structure segmented into political parties improved as members of different parties shared the same keywords and formed subgroups. Based on the results, it was suggested that a strategy for spreading and sharing policy issues based on core keywords rather than library legislation, centered on lawmakers who play a mediating role between parties, is needed to activate library legislation.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.31-42
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• 2009

As a development of IT, the most part of societies apply it. Political area is not an exception. Most of candidates, parties and government make web sites to provide political information. But the political information of internet don't have a positive influence to electors always. On the assumption that the people who seek political information from internet are concerned at politics, the fact that the users don't affect at the internet political information demands close investigation. In this study I suggest that the reason is the difference forms of the political information provided from politician with netizen's expectation at the Internet.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.5-34
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• 2009

Why the Korea National Assembly shows often limping in its operations despite the introduction of various democratic legislative rules? Regarding the question, this article pays attention to the institutionalization of legislative rules and political saliency of bills, and analyzes the Constitutional Court's law reports. According to the analysis, the National Assembly goes on smoothly when dealing with the bills with low political saliency, but shows anomaly in its operation when dealing with the bills with high political saliency. This indicates that the institutionalization of the legislative rules is relatively low. The low level of the institutionalization is derived fundamentally from a distinguishing characteristic of the power structure in which political power is too much concentrated on the president. Within the power structure, the ruling party has to play the role of protecting and advocating the president, whereas the opposition parties become actors criticizing and checking the president. Consequently, the parliamentary decision-making processes have been dominated by the political strifes between the ruling and opposition parties, often producing limping operations of the National Assembly and delayed institutionalization of the legislative rules.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.125-136
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• 2011

This article is exploring the possibility of establishment of a 'Smart Citizens Party'. In the society based the social computing, the individual leads the technical progress and the society which is adapted for this circumstance is changing in the direction of user-centric. Also, in the political process, we can see this social phenomenon. In other words, there's a quite possibility that decision-making structure may shift from the top-down approach to the bottom-up approach by the networked individuals or flexible voluntary group. In this context, this paper will propose the 'Smart Citizens Party' model that accept the change of political and social environment due to the advent of the social computing and cope with this change. The 'Smart Citizens Party' means the 'Party for Smartizen' of this social computing era. The 'Smart Citizens Party' is the intermediate party that link the political party to the civil society and is smart citizen's party that is operated democratically by active participation of citizens. This paper will review on structure and operational issues of political parties in Korea and study future-oriented solution and/or way to discovered problems of political parties in Korea.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.307-344
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• 2014

Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative. Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"- the third person. Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages. This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.