• 보건행정학회지
• /
• 제26권4호
• /
• pp.243-245
• /
• 2016

The 9th Global Conference for Health Promotion has been held in Shanghai after 30 years of the first Global Conference for Health Promotion in Ottawa, Canada. In the conference, the delegated members of the countries declared 'Shanghai Declaration on promoting health in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.' In the declaration, the delegated members of country had agreed that health is one of the 'most effective markers' of any city's successful sustainable development and contributes to make cities inclusive, safe, and resilient for the whole population and 'health literacy' empowers individual citizens and enables their engagement in collective health promotion action. And in a parallel session 'Mayors Forum,' they had consensus for health city and they adopted 'Shanghai Consensus on Healthy Cities.' They recognized their political responsibility to create the conditions for every resident of every city to lead more healthy, safe, and fulfilling lives and to support the full realization of human potential and capabilities at all ages in the city environment.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• 제5권1호
• /
• pp.1-22
• /
• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• 제5권2호
• /
• pp.91-110
• /
• 2020

This paper traces the trajectory of a variety of complicated economic and political developments between China and India - the world's most ancient civilizations connected by rich history. These recent developments, which are heavily acrimonious and include military clashes involving loss of lives, have greatly damaged bilateral relations. The paper examines the reasons behind the bilateral relations dipping to new lows. Aside from specific bilateral disputes like outstanding border problems, China-India relations have been affected by global and regional developments. The paper identifies rising tensions between the U.S. and China, the evolution of the Belt and Road Initiative, and the growth of the Indo-Pacific construct, as the reasons that have expanded distance and mistrust between the two countries. Both China and India are now part of country coalitions aiming to marginalize each other's strategic influences. The paper argues that such efforts by them are going to impact countries in their neighbourhood - such as in Central Asia - by forcing them to make complex choices in the areas of trade engagement and technological development.

• Asia Marketing Journal
• /
• 제22권4호
• /
• pp.79-101
• /
• 2021

With the steady rise in global popularity of the Korean music group BTS, the South Korean government and surrounding industries have swiftly begun utilizing their image and international recognition for specific nation branding purposes. While K-pop soft power strategies are not novel to the South Korean state, what is new is the rapid speed at which BTS have become a beacon for South Korean culture, language, and symbolism in the international arena. However, few scholarly works have sought to investigate the role fans have played in this heightened position for the group as state representatives, with minimal research conducted into the work fans do within the framework of ARMY fan culture. This paper will thus aim to fill the gap in scholarship on ARMY as an organized labour network, focusing on the role fans play as labourers in online spaces that work to promote, disseminate, and cultivate wider recognition for BTS as artists. Through the conjunct engagement of a political economy framework and theories of participatory culture, this paper will explore the manner through which the free labour of ARMY, premised on affect, has constructed the fandom as active agents of soft power alongside BTS themselves.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
• /
• 제22권3호
• /
• pp.17-22
• /
• 2022

This article defines the process of formation of anti-corruption consciousness as one of the areas of interaction between public authorities and civil society institutions. It is concluded that the implementation of the state anti-corruption policy in Ukraine may be more promising if the institutions of civil society are actively involved. The degree of citizen engagement can be increased by increasing social trust, as well as by increasing the level of political and legal education and culture. Particular attention should be paid to the organization of public control and monitoring of the activities of public authorities, impartial coverage of information on the fight against corruption in the media, as well as the joint conduct of an information and educational campaign and the promotion of the formation of anti-corruption consciousness among a large number of citizens.

• 한국언론정보학보
• /
• 제58권
• /
• pp.106-129
• /
• 2012

이 글은 SNS의 보편적 이용이 늘어나고 그것에 대한 규제논의가 증가하는 것을 배경으로 해서, SNS 표현물에 대한 현행 국내 규제체계의 문제점을 분석하고자 한다. 이를 위해 규제대상으로서 SNS표현물의 성격을 살펴보고, SNS 표현물에 대한 국내 내용규제체계의 문제점을 법률적 측면과 규제기관적 차원에서 검토했다. SNS 표현물에 대한 규제체계를 살펴보면, 법률과 행정기구 중심의 국가주의적 규제경향이 강하다는 것을 알 수 있다. 5가지 측면의 규제법률이 SNS 표현물 규제와 연계되어 있으며, 규제의 주체로서 행정기구가 내용심의를 하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 그로 인해 민간영역의 자율기능은 상대적 약한 것으로 판단된다. SNS와 같은 인터넷공간에는 최소규제의 원칙이 적용되어야 하며, 규제에 적용되는 불법의 정의도 명확히 하고 그것의 판단주체 및 규제대상을 최소화해야 한다. 현재의 행정기구로서 방송통신심의 위원회 구조에 대한 본질적인 고민이 필요하다.

• 한국보육지원학회지
• /
• 제10권2호
• /
• pp.295-317
• /
• 2014

본 연구는 영유아 부모역량 제고를 위하여 영유아의 행복이라는 관점에서 부모역량 Self-checklist 를 개발하여 영유아 행복을 위한 부모역량 현황을 조사하였다. 연구방법으로 관련 선행연구 고찰을 바탕으로 학계 전문가, 유치원 어린이집 교사, 영유아 부모, 유아를 대상으로 면담을 실시하였으며 Self-checklist 최종 문항 선정을 위해 48인의 델파이 조사를 실시하였다. 부모역량 현황 조사를 위해 전국단위 지역별로 할당하여 영유아 부모 1,000명을 대상으로 조사를 실시하였으며 모 580명, 부 420명이 참여하였다. 부모역량 현황을 살펴보면 유형면에서는 인식, 실행, 성장역량 순으로 높게 나타났으며 내용면에서는 영유아 발달과 건강과 안전 영역 점수가 높았고 생활지도나 지역사회 연계가 가장 낮게 나타났다. 부모 관련 변인별로는 모든 측면에서 모에 비해 부의 역량이 낮았으며 전반적으로 부모 연령이 낮을수록, 부모 학력이 높을수록, 소득수준이 높을수록 부모역량이 높은 것으로 나타났다.

• 국제학술발표논문집
• /
• The 9th International Conference on Construction Engineering and Project Management
• /
• pp.33-41
• /
• 2022

Infrastructure procurement has been a major engagement route between China and Africa. This contributes immensely to the gradual infrastructure development seen on the continent. However, maturing discourse purports that these infrastructure collaborations lack intentionality in the continuous development of strategic guidelines and policies for effective implementation despite their uniqueness and criticality. This study proposes that an efficient approach to policy recommendations is through the political and economic analysis (PEA) of these partnerships using public-private partnership (PPP) optics. Unquestionably, these partnerships are representative of the concept of diplomatic transnational public-private partnership (DT-PPP) where infrastructure is procured through the collaboration of public (African governments) and private sector (Chinese state-owned corporations) who provide the managerial, financial, and technical resources for the project implementation. Given the quest for sustainable win-win, this study identifies strategies towards the realization of win-win in the implementation (i.e enablers of win-win) such that fairness and co-benefit, as well as interests, will be achieved. Thus, based on the PEA framework, case scenarios from Ghana and Nigeria using expert interviews identify the criticalities and best practices for the realization of these enablers at the development phase. Findings indicate more effort is required of the public sector (African host countries) in terms of people, structure/institutions, and the implementation processes. Recommendations include improvement of environmental management structures, contract administration procedures, external stakeholders/local community engagement mechanisms, knowledge and technology transfer procedures, and sector-based project operation and maintenance culture and systems. Additionally, actors must have emotional intelligence, good problem-solving abilities, and overall ensure cordial relationships for continued bilateral cooperation.

• 기술혁신연구
• /
• 제24권3호
• /
• pp.107-137
• /
• 2016

이 논문은 전국적인 설문조사자료를 분석하여 과학연구에 대한 한국인의 지지도가 어떠하며, 어떤 집단이 이러한 지지를 견인하고 있는지를 순수 기초 연구, 산업발전을 목표로 하는 응용연구, 일반시민의 삶의 질 향상을 목표로 하는 사회문제 해결형 연구로 나누어 살펴본다. 분석결과 사회적 정치적 가치 지향에 따라 사회문제 해결형 연구를 포함한 연구 유형별 지지도에 차이가 나타났다. 주관적 정치성향이 진보적일수록 사회문제 해결형 연구를 다른 유형의 연구들에 비해 지지하는 경향을 보인 반면, 보수적일수록 기초연구에 대한 지지도가 높아졌고 신자유주의적 가치지향에 가까울수록 응용연구에 대한 지지도가 높아졌다. 한편 한국사회에서 사회문제 해결형 연구가 지나친 응용연구에 대한 비판으로 대두된 반면, 일반시민들은 이를 응용연구보다 기초연구와 대비되는 것으로 인식하고 있었다. 또한 사회문제 해결형 연구가 전문가주의의 폐해를 극복하기 위해 시민참여를 강조하는 반면, 과학자의 권위와 전문성에 대한 신뢰도 수준이 높을수록 오히려 사회문제 해결형 연구에 대한 지지도가 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 마지막으로 소득 수준이 낮을수록 사회문제 해결형 연구에 대한 지지도가 다른 두 유형의 연구에 대한 지지도보다 높은 것으로 나타났다.

• 분석과 대안
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.29-61
• /
• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.