• Title/Summary/Keyword: political communication

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Five-stage Anger Model Approach to Narrative and Protagonist's Revolt Action Mechanism in the Movie, "The Man Standing Next" ('분노의 5단계 모델'관점의 영화 <남산의 부장들> 서사와 주인공의 거사 결행 기제)

  • Kim, Jeong-Seob
    • Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.285-294
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    • 2020
  • "The Man Standing Next" was a 'anger-character movie' that shows a fierce psychological game between the characters. Inspired by this point, it was analyzed the narrative structure of this film based on scene unit applying the 'Five-stage Anger Model' formulated by Lakoff and Kövecses and others. The results showed that the causality and feasibility of the protagonist's anger behavior were highly reflected above the model. In particular, among the five steps, the film-maker spent the longest time on 'anger control' justifying the hero's motivation for punishment or retaliation, while giving the shortest time to 'loss of control' to maximize the urgentness of the punitive actions. The detonator causing his anger at each stage was disposed two to six times each stage with neglect, contempt, arrogance, ostentation, mockery, unauthorized intervention, etc. Sneering of "Chief Security Officer" and insulting of "The President" make the protagonist feel the scorn of a terrible friend-murderer each functioned as a "rage trigger." In conclusion, the film follows the above sophisticated model in its narrative structure. Though it was a political drama that sets up a lot of anger scheme caused from public reasons, it reflects ordinary people's routine anger, which corresponds to 24 percent of the list of Nobaco's Provocation Inventory (PI). The producers elaborately reflected the anger procedure theory and balanced the public and private drivers of rage. It was considered to be derived from the intention to enhance communication with the audience increasing their understanding and aspiration for political movie that are usually heavy and unfamiliar.

The Study on The Cyber Communities of Migrant Workers in Korea (한국 이주 노동자의 '사이버 공동체'에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Jeong Hyang;Kim, Yeong Kyeong
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.324-339
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    • 2013
  • This study aims to investigate the characteristics of cyber communities composed of migrant workers from communities without propinquity in Korea. Its methods are both qualitative and quantitative. It further seeks to discover the relationship between the social capital formed and reproduced within these cyber communities and participants' cultural adaptation to Korean society. The study revealed that ethnic and non-ethnic communities differed in terms of strength of cohesion, space constraints, and links with the outside world. The former showed characteristics of a localized community type. The main motivations for migrant workers' participation in the ethnic cyber community were communication and friendship rather than cooperation and sharing among members. They usually used cyber communication media to communicate with one another. Conversely, the latter showed characteristics of an integrative type. Despite the difficulties in applying for membership and information provided in Korean, a high percentage of migrant workers participated in the community to obtain crucial information. The results did not show a significant correlation between social capital and migrant workers' traits within the cyber community, while a strong correlation emerged among four factors of social capital: faith, norms, networking, and political participation. The study showed that social capital in the cyber community was in direct proportion to an integrative type of cultural adaptation to Korean society. In particular, there was a strong connection between the cultural adaptation exhibited by members of the migrant subculture and their participation in discussions on political issues and human rights, with some migrants even functioning as agents of social change as participants in citizens' movements. The findings suggest that the cyber community facilitates the migrant subculture's communication with and integration into the indigenous Korean culture. Migrant workers' participation in the cyber community is therefore validated as an instrumental practice for members of this subculture to adapt to Korean society.

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Measuring the Third-Person Effects of Public Opinion Polls: Focusing On Online Polls (여론조사보도에 대한 제3자효과 검증: 온라인 여론조사를 주목하며)

  • Kim, Sung-Tae;Willnat, Las;Weaver, David
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.32
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    • pp.49-73
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    • 2006
  • During the past decades, public opinion polls have become an ubiquitous tool for probing the complexity of people's beliefs and attitudes on a wide variety of issues. Especially since the late 1970s, the use of polls by news organizations has increased dramatically. Along with the proliferation of traditional polls, in the past few years pollsters and news organizations have come to recognize the advantages of online polls. Increasingly there has been more effort to take the pulse of the public through the Internet. With the Internet's rapid growth during the past years, advocates of online polling often emphasize the relative advantages over traditional polls. Researchers from Harris Black International Ltd., for example, argue that "Internet polling is less expensive and faster and offers higher response rates than telephone surveys." Moreover, since many of the newer online polls draw respondents from large databases of registered Internet users, results of online polls have become more balanced. A series of Harris Black online polls conducted during the 1998 gubernatorial and senatorial elections, for example, has accurately projected the winners in 21 of the 22 races it tracked. Many researchers, however, severely criticize online polls for not being representative of the larger population. Despite the often enormous number of participants, Internet users who participate in online polls tend to be younger, better educated and more affluent than the general population. As Traugott pointed out, the people polled in Internet surveys are a "self selected" group, and thus "have volunteered to be part of the test sample, which could mean they are more comfortable with technology, more informed about news and events ... than Americans who aren't online." The fact that users of online polls are self selected and demographically very different from Americans who have no access to the Internet is likely to influence the estimates of what the majority of people think about social or political issues. One of the goals of this study is therefore to analyze whether people perceive traditional and online public opinion polls differently. While most people might not differentiate sufficiently between traditional random sample polls and non representative online polls, some audiences might perceive online polls as more useful and representative. Since most online polls allow some form of direct participation, mostly in the form of an instant vote by mouse click, and often present their findings based on huge numbers of respondents, consumers of these polls might perceive them as more accurate, representative or reliable than traditional random sample polls. If that is true, perceptions of public opinion in society could be significantly distorted for those who rely on or participate in online polls. In addition to investigating how people perceive random sample and online polls, this study focuses on the perceived impact of public opinion polls. Similar to these past studies, which focused on how public opinion polls can influence the perception of mass opinion, this study will analyze how people perceive the effects of polls on themselves and other people. This interest springs from prior studies of the "third person effect," which have found that people often tend to perceive that persuasive communications exert a stronger influence on others than on themselves. While most studies concerned with the political effects of public opinion polls show that exit polls and early reporting of election returns have only weak or no effects on the outcome of election campaigns, some empirical findings suggest that exposure to polls can move people's opinions both toward and away from perceived majority opinion. Thus, if people indeed believe that polls influence others more than themselves, perceptions of majority opinion could be significantly altered because people might anticipate that others will react more strongly to poll results.

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The U.S. Government's Book Translation Program in Korea in the 1950s (1950년대 한국에서의 미국 도서번역 사업의 전개와 의미)

  • Cha, Jae Young
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.78
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    • pp.206-242
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    • 2016
  • This study dealt with the U.S. government's book translation project as a part of its public diplomacy to gain the Korean people's 'minds and thoughts' in the midst of cultural Cold War from the end of World War II to the late 1950s. It was found that the U.S. book translation project was begun during the U.S. military occupation of South Korea, though with minimum efforts, and reached its peak in the late 1950s, In general, the purposes of the U.S. book translation project in South Korea was as follows: to emphasize the supremacy of American political and economic systems; to criticize the irrationality of communism and conflicts in the communist societies; to increase the Korean people's understanding of the U.S. foreign policies; to publicize the achievement of the U.S. people in the areas of arts, literature, and sciences. In the selection of books for translation, any ones were excluded which might contradict to U.S. foreign policy or impair U.S. images abroad. It must be noted that publications of a few Korean writers' books were supported by the project, if they were thought to be in service for its purposes. Even some Japanese books, which were produced by the U.S. book translation project in Japan, were utilized for the best effects of the project in South Korea. It may be conceded that the U.S. book translation project contributed a little bit to the compensation for the dearth of knowledge and information in South Korea at that time. However, the project may have distorted the Korean people's perspectives toward the U.S. and world, owing to the book selection in accordance with the U.S. government's policy guidance.

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Propaganda, Conservatives, and the Media: Analyzing the "Lost 10 Years" as Propaganda Strategies (선전, 보수세력 그리고 언론: 선전전략으로서 '잃어버린 10년' 분석)

  • Kim, Yung-Wook
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.53
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    • pp.100-120
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    • 2011
  • The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

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Non-Reporting, Media Ethics and Ideological Conflicts in South Korea: Focus on Media Coverage Relating to Surveillance of Civilians by the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Security Command (무(無)보도 현상과 언론윤리 그리고 한국사회의 이념갈등: 국정원, 기무사 민간사찰 관련 보도 사례를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Su-Jeong;Cheong, Yeon-Goo
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.53
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    • pp.5-28
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    • 2011
  • This research examines the recent increasingly intensified non-reporting phenomenon by the press in South Korea and its legitimacy and validity. Non-reporting denotes cases in which the press does not report on significant issues in society. Although journalism scholars have raised this question, it remains unaddressed through case studies and formal criticism. This research compares the reporting and non-reporting by major media groups of cases related to the surveillance of civilians by the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Security Command under the Ministry of National Defense. This research specifies that the non-reporting phenomenon relates not to the ability to report, but to willingness to report, due to intervention by political factionalism of media groups. The non-reporting phenomenon results from the press ignoring their basic responsibility stemming from journalistic ethics and their social responsibility to fulfill their readers' right to know. Accordingly, this research revealed that the non-reporting phenomenon cannot be justified through diverse theoretical discussions and the journalistic code of ethics. Through the logical framework of public opinions and diverse empirical data to support it, this research demonstrates that the non-reporting phenomenon produces not unhelpful, but harmful effects to resolutions to ideological dissent in South Korean society.

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The Free Trade Agreement on Broadcasting Service between Korea and USA and Meaning of Cultural Diversity Agreement (한.미간 방송 시장 개방(FTA) 협상과 문화다양성협약의 의의)

  • Na, Nak-Gyun
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.35
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    • pp.36-86
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    • 2006
  • The industrialization and globalization in the field of broadcasting are rapidly proceeded by extension of multilateral agreement as GATT and WTO, and by expansion of bilateral FTA. The broadcasting gets important in the industries according to the change of broadcasting environment grounded on industrial logic. As the broadcasting products become an important article of trade, broadcasting industry is the best bet in the cultural industries. In the international trade, the USA and Japan will treat cultural products the same as common goods and keep in the frame of free trade. On the contrary, the EU nations and Canada take a position that the cultural products are common goods and also public goods at the same time, and that therefore the cultural products will be excepted from the free trade. But this so called cultural exception, which is formed in the multilateral free trade agreement, is merely a temporal countermeasure, not a fundamental alternative especially in the present circumstances of DDA negotiation of WTO and of enlargement of FTA by the USA. So a nation shall carry out policies for cultural identity and cultural autonomy by the guarantee of Cultural Diversity Agreement of UNESCO, and organize a new cultural exchange order which substitutes the trade order by trade agreements.

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The Press Coverage of the Cyber Defamation Laws: Framing Effects of Core Values and Attributional Patterns (사이버모욕죄 보도의 프레이밍 효과: 핵심 가치와 귀인 양식을 중심으로)

  • Hur, Suk-Jae;Min, Young
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.52
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    • pp.48-68
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    • 2010
  • In covering the controversies surrounding the so-called cyber defamation laws, the Korean press offered competitive frames in terms of values (security vs. freedom of speech) and attributional patterns (episodic vs. thematic attribution). By attending to core values and attributional patterns as two essential components of news frames, this study explored the cognitive and affective processes of value and attributional framing and their effects on issue opinion. According to a 3-group online experiment, first, it was found that core values increased the perceived importance of relevant beliefs, which further affected individuals' attitudes toward the laws. The affective effects of core values were also found marginally significant. The value of security increased the intensity of anger toward deviant netizens (so-called defamatory repliers), and it further increased individuals' support for the laws. It was not substantiated, however, that individualistic attribution, than social attribution, would provoke stronger anger toward defamatory repliers. Instead, episodic frames appeared to be more effective in driving issue opinion as indicated by the value frame.

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A Study on Aesthetic Characteristics and social communication of Korean Independent Animation (한국 독립애니메이션의 미학적 특성과 사회적 소통방식 연구 - '인디애니페스트' 수상작 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Soo-jung
    • Cartoon and Animation Studies
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    • s.47
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    • pp.125-148
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    • 2017
  • This paper analyzes Korean aesthetic characteristics of Korean independent animation, which is closely related to artistic and social characteristics, by searching Korean independent animation image for the winner of "Indie AniFest", the only independent animation film festival in Korea. And social communication methods. There are three ways in which Korean Independence Animation shows the way of speaking through award-winning works. The first is a method of expressing feelings, impulses, and desires in a formative way, and a direct and sensuous image as in sign language or sound. In the second method of speaking differently with images, in the third method, It makes the voice of the fringe through the real world of the story sound as a story of reality. Animation is a medium that 'originalizes and communicates meaning' as an image, and has implemented and constructed a new way of speaking, which is different from existing social voices. Nevertheless, it is not easy to find a research that approaches animation from the viewpoint of social and political speech through images. Therefore, this paper is necessary for the balanced development of animation. In addition, this study can contribute to re - examining Korean independent animation from an academic point of view and to discover and evaluate fair value from a wider perspective.

Media and Education: Focusing on U. S. Graduate Business and Financial Journalism School (미디어와 교육: 언론인 전문화를 주도하는 미국 경제저널리즘 대학원 사례를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Sung-Hae
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.37
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    • pp.7-42
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    • 2007
  • There has been growing debate over the current crisis of Korean journalism especially since 1997. While identifying primary causes as 'lack of credibility and public accountability,' however, this paper claims that self-regulation initiated by enlightened and professionalized journalists is a plausible solution. This paper thus pays attention to U.S. graduate journalism schools which provide specialized program about business/economic/financial news. For this, in identifying commonalities of the programs in terms of education goals, geographical/academic resources and course works, this study wanted to elicit meaningful implications for media education. It was suggested in conclusion that not only would Seoul be an ideal place for combining theoretical and practical training, but such programs in New York and Columbia university might be creatively applied to Korean journalism school. Finally, the author hopes that this review will be a good starting point for envisioning graduate level of journalism school in Korea.

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