• KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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• v.30 no.3D
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• pp.295-302
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• 2010

Since the late 1990s, the BOT mode in China has been extensively used in the water sector in order to attract private investment, improve technical and operational efficiency, and expand the coverage of water services. The BOT mode has been hailed as this provides a win-win structure between the government and private players through formalized procedures and an optimal risk allocation. However, recent market analyses show that some foreign investors are reluctant to participate in the market or even retreat due to uncertainties and risks in the market. This study aims to explore various risks in the Chinese water BOT market based on the thorough literature review, fieldwork, and the case studies on the two wholly foreign-owned BOT water projects: the Chengdu No. 6 and the Shanghai Dachang Water Supply BOT projects. The research results indicate that the Chinese BOT market embraces high risks in political, institutional and legal, and financial systems. The key to a successful takeoff of the BOT mode in the Chinese water market depends on the extent to which the government will be able to remove risky factors in political, institutional and legal, and financing systems. This research outcome will provide a useful reference to the Korean construction companies which consider expanding business to overseas water markets in the form of public private partnership.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.81-95
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• 2019

This study explores how the advanced data analysis capabilities of intelligent information technology are being utilized in politics. In particular, we focus on the fact that voter behavioral targeting in election campaigns comes into conflict with the democratic process in various ways. For this purpose, this study examines political micro-targeting and political bots. It is aimed at showing that these technology-based campaign techniques work as a factor preventing free expression of opinions and discussions, which are the core of democracy itself. Then we identify the attributes of the algorithm that affects them. As a result, this study suggests that the following issues might arise regarding intelligent information technology-based politics and democracy. First, inequality in political participation becomes more severe. Second, the public debate between voters gets more difficult. Third, superficial politics is prevalent. Fourth, single-issue politics and the exclusion of political representation is likely to increase. Fifth, political privacy might also be invaded. Based on our discussions, this study concludes that it is our role to find ways by which intelligent information technology and democracy can coexist.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.51-62
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• 2015

Do artifacts function merely as tools? Today tremendous softwares work to assist or guide their users. This paper will apply the theories of Science & Technology Studies(STS) and the agent definition of Floridi & Sanders(2004) to game-bot programmes. Consequently we would see game-bots have had the interactivity, autonomy and adaptability. They are the position of agents even in playing. Further they may be companion relationship in the way that bots and human players compose each other. Then we will be induce to new question, the bots may be political-social. While human actors in computer based rule are the compounds being affected by the artificials, they will be never same to classic human actors.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.191-205
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• 2016

North Korea(NK) has designated the special economic zones(SEZs) since the first one in Rason. But, why have the SEZs in NK still not been developed successfully? This study comparatively evaluated the SEZs in China, Vietnam and NK, with respect to 'context/purpose', 'development/management system', and 'location/infrastructure.' NK's strategies for the SEZs were different from those of China and Vietnam in terms of historical context and development purpose. China and Vietnam chose the market opening policy aiming to reform their national economy, while NK tried the opening policy without the economic reform. This difference made NK's decentralization and location strategies marginal. In spite of the positive land system and tax benefit of NK, the strategies couldn't make a successful result. The implications of this comparative study are as follows. Firstly, NK needs to establish a strategy for the SEZs in accord with the comprehensive and long-term plan for economic development and 'trustworthy and substantial market-systems' being compatible with outside world. For that, NK has to secure the regime stability in political and diplomatic dimensions. Secondly, NK has to carry out policies of decentralization and location of the SEZs more positively. Thirdly, in order to solve the problem related to lack of infrastructure capital, NK needs to utilize a BOT scheme.