• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fashion and Beauty
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.28-38
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• 2008

Balhae was an ancient Korean kingdom that existed almost 1,300 years ago. It was a dynamic time in the Korean history when the national strength was building up in terms of politics, economy and culture, thereby called as "Haedongseongguk, the powerhouse in the East". Balhae had dominated parts of Manchuria and the northern part of the Korean peninsula between the late 7th century and the 10th century, occupying the center stage of the northern Korean history. It serves as a window to the East Asia in the present as well as in the past. Yet, due to its geography spanning from the North Korea to Kilin Province of China to part of Heilongjiang Province and to the Littoral Province of Siberia, Balhae has been the center of historical disputes among neighboring countries that insist it is part of each of their own history. China argues that it was a prefecture of the Tang Dynasty, established by the Mohe, not a successor to Goguryeo, which is a China-oriented viewpoint of history. In addition, Russia recognizes Balhae as their first-ever medieval feudal state since the Littoral Province is now under their sovereignty. Therefore, the restoration of Balhae history is in line with the veritable establishment of the ancient Korean history. For this, it is necessary to embrace inter-disciplinary achievements and to continue efforts to adopt them rather than to blame the shortage of historical documents and the difficulty of the excavation of relics. If fashion is "a visual symbol" of our society, beauty culture serve as a mirror to reflect our civilization and culture directly or indirectly. Still, it is not easy to draw similarities by analyzing and comparing the attributes of various cultures and civilizations party because the essence of culture lies in diversity. Nevertheless, it is believed that cultural liaison as well as geographical liaison can be a medium to compensate for the limits of the foreign exchange history of Southeast Asia in proving the relationship between Goguryeo and Balhae, by examining and speculating beauty culture that reflect their period. It was confirmed by various documents regarding Goguryeo out of relics, historical sites and documents. Mural paintings showed how the people of Balhae wore and accessorized themselves. They also allowed us to speculate their way of living. As the contemporary historians can assert that Balhae is part of the Korean history thanks to the realism scholars in the late Joseon Dynasty, who rediscovered the Balhae history and conducted practical researches, it is expected that researchers who study beauty culture contribute to completing the restoration of the Balhae history by thoroughly examining our history, costume and beauty culture.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.71-85
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• 2011

This thesis reviews the process in which the regulation systems against ownership concentration of newspapers established with the opportunity of legislation of the periodical act in 1987 was reinforced as they were all amended to the newspaper act in 2005 and as they were again amended in 2009 it came to confront crisis in the aspect of press law legislation history. The regulation systems against ownership concentration of newspapers established based on the principle of legality of newspaper function in the Clause 3, the Article 21 of Constitution was reinforced as the newspaper act in 2005 and in 2006 they began to shrink following the Constitution Court decision against newspaper act. As newspaper act and broadcast act are revised in 2009, regulation against combining the management of newspapers with broadcast and regulation against owning multiple number of newspapers came not to exist. Because in this process, the opposition party also allowed limited cross-ownership of newspaper and broadcast, it can be said that the system of newspaper ownership regulation confronted the crisis of dissolution. The instruction of regulation alleviation in a short period of time in spite of the fact that regulation alleviation which allows cross-ownership of newspaper and broadcast is the matter of policy that should be decided after long-term review of the change of media environment and the progress of the power of domination of public opinion is dangerous. Newspapers are strong media with terrestrial broadcast in formation of public opinion on politics. It's because it is difficult to ignore the worry that the power of domination of public opinion of the newspapers which are in oligopoly of newspaper public opinion market can be spreaded to the territory of report broadcast. From the point of view that there is probability for democracy to be ultimately threatened due to the shrink of political Darwinism caused by concentration of media ownership, the alleviation of ownership concentration of newspapers should have premise of long-term social discussion.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.147-177
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• 2019

This article attempts to examine the fundamental perceptions and attitudes of human beings towards others utilizing the concept of 'precariat,' a new word recently created to designate people affected by the inequality and instability brought about by neoliberal globalization. Especially, the precariats within South Korean society noted in this article will be North Korean migrants. When leaving North Korea, they have entered into South Korean society with hurting bodies and minds as they made their way through China or third party countries. After arriving in South Korea, they face difficulties such as inadequate jobs and low-level welfare benefits. Also, considering the social discrimination, exclusion, and indifference towards North Korean migrants which are commonplace, they come to live their lives as precariats. Given their situation, I would like to seek wisdom for North Korean migrants to apply as they escape from insecure lives, and perhaps Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence) would allow them to do that within South Korean society. In this light, I think that the concept of hospitality and Haewon Sangsaeng (the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence), a code of practical ethics within the Daesoon Thought, as a basis for discussion with other philosophies that are practical in enabling North Korean migrants and South Korean citizens to coexist within modern day South Korean society. This can be achieved because 'Haewon (grievance-resolution)' lowers the boundary between self and others through sharing, and consequently, daily mutual interactions can unfold as 'Sangsaeng', which stands as a new ethical and practical system of values available to all modern individuals. In fact, contrary to the religious implications of Daesoon Thought, the philosophical and existential significance of Daesoon Thought has not received much attention. However, if we pay attention to the question of why human subjects should be hospitable to others, we can grasp how Daesoon Thought presents values that are existential in nature and also consider the specific context that accompanies the religious aspects of this system of thought.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.111-141
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• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.83-95
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• 2016

Strategies for parks and open spaces in the 21st century have moved from focusing on specific elements, such as quantitative growth and ecological and recreational aspects, to green infrastructure, which refers to a multi-functional network of open and green spaces offering a range of benefits. In the case of London, green infrastructure is realised as an integral part of urban infrastructure, involving physical and social infrastructure as well as practical spatial planning at the local level within statutory urban planning as part of a continuously developing green infrastructure framework with a theoretical basis. Taking this perspective, the present study looks at alterations to and developments in green infrastructure policies in the London Plan, the green grid framework as detailed in the city's strategic implementation of green infrastructure. Various trends and characteristics of the policies adopted in the London Plan and some implications are deduced, with three main results being identified. The first is a clear division of roles among the national government, Greater London Authority and borough councils, with local plans established under the guidance of the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) and the London Plan. Green infrastructure policies in the London Plan have been applied at a high rate in the boroughs' local plans, which leads to another, linked point. Secondly, green infrastructure policies and the green grid as an implementation framework have been consistently extended and developed through consolidating the London Plan, despite the change of government. Finally, in order to achieve the London Plan, the Mayor of London implemented policies by partnership and supporting programmes for London boroughs. Recently, the Seoul Metropolitan Authority introduced a parks and green spaces development policy, but the London case remains a good example; this is because green infrastructure policies in London were not a manifesto pledge but rather have been continuously and consistently advanced regardless of party politics and thus realised as long-term planning.