• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

1987년 민주화운동 이후 한국정치는 김영삼, 김대중, 김종필에 의한 3김정치로 전환기를 맞았다. 한국정치는 3김정치 이전에는 1인에 의한 장기집권에 지속되었으나 3김정치에서는 정당통합과 정당연합을 통해 평화적인 정권교체가 가능하게 하였다. 3김정치에 대한 평가는 긍정적인 측면과 부정적인 측면이 공존한다. 3김정치에 대한 정치적 효과는 정당구도의 다양화와 정권교체의 안정화이다. 3김정치는 한국의 정당구도를 양당체제에서 다당체제로 변화시켰으며, 3당합당과 DJP연합 등 후보단일화를 통해 평화적 정권교체를 가능하게 하였다. 하지만 3김정치에 대한 정치적 왜곡은 정당의 단명화와 정치이념의 편중화이다. 3김정치는 3김의 전략적 판단에 따라 정당해체, 재창당, 정당통합 등으로 정당의 수명이 매우 짧았으며, 보수성향과 진보성향이 3김정치와 결부되어 지역적으로 정치이념의 편중화 현상을 강화하였다. 따라서 3김정치가 한국정치에서 차지하는 비중이 매우 높기 때문에 3김정치로 인한 정치적 왜곡은 한국정치를 위해 극복해야 한다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.9-29
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• 의정연구
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.69-106
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• 2021

본고는 대통령제와 정당기율이 강한 정당들로 구성된 양당제의 결합이란 제도적 요인에 초점을 맞춰, 민주화 이후 한국에서 여야 간 극심한 정치적 갈등 및 대립이 지속될 수밖에 없었던 원인을 설명하고자 한다. 그리고 대통령제와 정당기율이 약한 양당제가 결합된 경우로 미국을, 대통령제와 정당기율이 강한 다당제가 결합된 경우로 칠레를 각각 들고 어떻게 양 사례에서 협치가능성이 제고될 수 있었는지 분석할 것이다. 나아가, 이 비교 분석을 통해, 한국의 경우 역시 협치가능성 제고를 위해선 정당체계 변화를 수반하게 될 일련의 정치개혁들, 즉 개별 의원들의 자율성을 강화시켜줄 당조직상의 분권화 혹은 민주화나, 다당제를 추동해낼 결선투표제의 도입 혹은 비례대표제의 확대 등이 요구됨을 그 실천적 함의로 제안하려 한다.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제47권5호
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

이 연구는 지역균열이라는 우리나라의 정치 현실이 국회의원선거구 획정에 개입되었는지를 확인하고, 그에 따른 문제점을 게리맨더링과 투표 등가치성을 중심으로 분석하였다. 제헌의회 이래 국회의원선거구 획정에서 게리맨더링과 투표 등가치성 훼손에 대한 논란은 지속되었고, 더욱이 소선거구 단순다수제 체제로 인해 선거구 획정이 선거 결과와 공정성에 큰 영향을 주고 있다. 특히 제18대와 제19대 총선의 선거구 획정은 부당한 지역균열정치의 간섭이 이루어진 것으로 의심되는데, 지역 그리고 선거구별 인구규모에 비해서 새누리당이 우세한 영남과 민주통합당이 우세한 호남에서 선거구 수는 최대한 확보되었고, 반면 경기도를 비롯한 다른 지역에서는 선거구 증설이 억제되었다. 이처럼 양당이 서로 확실하게 우세한 지역의 기득권을 보장해 주고, 불확실한 지역에서만 제한적으로 경쟁하는 구조의 선거구 획정은 게리맨더링에 담합한 것이라고 할 수 있으며, 결과적으로 투표 등가치성이라는 선거의 평등원칙과 헌법적 가치가 훼손되었다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.164-189
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• 2013

Last December, the Abe government came back, and it is critical core of Northeast Asia. They visited to Yasukuni Shrine, denied to Korea's invasion and they are denying all of their invasion history. I'm afraid they want to take Dokdo. Dokdo is Korean territory, but Japan politics assert it belongs to them. To make matters worse, they are waiting an opportunity to invade. Ministry of Foreign Affair blue paper and Ministry of Defense white paper have claimed Dokdo as Japanese territory, and many right wing politicians are taking part in the Cabinet. Liberal Democratic Party of Japan is becoming more right wing politicians than before by Japan Restoration Party, and the others also have more right wing ideologies. It can't control Japan right wing political parties. They finally aim to take Dokdo. In this situation, we have to defend Dokdo. Japan must be very important partner for our nation's development. But it is necessary to trust between two countries. Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea. It is the best way how to keep Dokdo. During Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea, the Japanese Government has limited Dokdo's ownership. Now we don't have any way to keep Dokdo except more effective control. We have strategies about Japanese claim of Dokdo's ownership as follows. First, we can overpower Japan right wing politics as Japan conscientious force's ideology. Second, Japan politics say to Dokdo's ownership is based on The San Francisco Treaty. But it is not right. Third, we have to exchange a lot of local government and civic society in Japan. Finally, we must prepare thoroughly to bring the matter to the International Court of Justice.

• 미국학
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.81-112
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• 2021

As polarization intensified in the United States, the voting support of the presidential party lawmakers has become the most important source of power for the president. The presidential party has been believed to legalize the president's agenda in a unified government and prevent legislation opposed by the president from being passed by the Congress within a divided government. However, even under party polarization, all the lawmakers and factions of the presidential party have not voted in accordance with the president's policy preferences. Statistical analysis shows that lawmakers who corresponded to the ideology median of the presidential party most strongly supported the president's agendas during the unified government. However, lawmakers with extreme ideologies voted more actively for the president than those with median ones during the divided government. Furthermore, this trend has been amplified regarding ideological factions.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.261-290
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• 2009

본 논문의 목적은 우선, 민주노동당이 드러낸 정체성의 상이한 특성을 이른바, '민주노동당의 원내정당화'라는 개념 틀에 입각하여 구체적인 경험적 지표를 중심으로 민주노동당의 성격변화를 설명하고자 한다. 그동안 전형적인 대중정당모델로서 진보적인 이념과 계급정당을 표방하면서 기대를 모았던 민주노동당이 원내진출이후 기대와는 다르게 대중정당의 특성이 급속하게 약화되는 한편 원내정당의 특성이 일어나고 있는 현상에 주목한다. 원내정당모델에 가까운 경향들은 대중정당모델에 입각한 당 운영을 표방해온 민주노동당에서 수용될 수 없는 것임에도 불구하고, 수용되고 있다는 점은 매우 역설적이고도 흥미로운 측면이다. 그렇다면, 민주노동당의 이 같은 특성의 혼재를 어떻게 이해할 것인가에 대한 질문은 대중정당모델의 시대적 적실성과 관련한 이론적 논의와 연결시켜 볼 때, 많은 궁금증을 자아낸다.

• 중국학논총
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• 제68호
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.217-227
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• 2020

Purpose - Against the backdrop of the recent intense political conflict in Korea's political circles, it is to reveal from an economic point of view the hidden aspects behind the hostile conflict between the two political forces. Design/methodology/approach - This paper is not a normative study to find a solution to political conflict, but a positive study to reveal the mechanism of reciprocity that exists between the two parties of conflict in real politics. Therefore, the analysis is based on game theory methodology. Findings - It is shown that the ruling party should choose a level of preemptive response that is neither insufficient nor excessive if it aims to avoid radical anti-government struggles by opposition parties. We also find that even if the chances of success of the opposition's radical offensive struggle are low, the use of that strategy is not necessarily reduced. In addition, we have obtained comparative static results that do not deviate much from our intuition. What's interesting is that unlike our intuition that the choice of the method will be indifferent if the marginal effects of radical and normal methods of struggle are the same, the opposition party rather chooses the normal method of struggle more often. Research implications or Originality - In forming the analytical model, it reflected the support of the general public following the opposition's struggle against the ruling party in order to capture real politics well in the conflict between the two opposing parties.