• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.51-82
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• 2013

Traffic safety has been dramatically enhanced thanks to recent improvements in traffic environment. Nonetheless, many traffic accidents occur due to unchanging driving practices. Therefore, this study addresses the issues of traffic fine and penalty fine policies, and seek appropriate levels of traffic fines through a public attitude survey. For this purpose, a survey was conducted on 905 adult drivers over 20 years of age from 15 provinces and metropolitan cities. Analysis results are as follows. First, traffic environment in South Korea is generally not safe. Respondents perceive violation of traffic laws such as reckless driving, speeding and drunk and driving as an important cause. Second, 61.6% of respondents experienced over one speeding annually, but only 15.2% of respondents were caught in the last three years. Third, opposition to levels of traffic fines has decreased over the past, and responses were more positive when more information was provided. Fourth, to deter moral hazard of paying traffic fines to avoid traffic penalty points, traffic fines should be at least 50,000~70,000 won higher than penalty fines. Fifth, there was less opposition to implementation of accumulated penalty policy compared to income-based differential fine levels. Sixth, traffic fines for different types of traffic violations need to be reorganized. In conclusion, this study suggests the following policy improvements for the current traffic fine and penalty fine policies for violation of traffic laws. First, enough understanding and consensus must be developed for policy improvements. Second, administrative sanctions such as giving penalty points should be considered rather than financial sanctions. Third, there should be policy improvement for accumulative penalty. Current acts of traffic law violation should be reorganized.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.853-874
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• 2010

This study examines the acceptability of nuclear facilities using the latent class analysis. Even though, nuclear power is useful in terms of economic and energy security aspects, it is very difficult to expand the existing nuclear power plants or build a new one. Many studies analysed the cause of unacceptability of nuclear facilities but it has not been focused how large portion of people are divided pro and con. It is very important to know the distribution of people by the attitude toward nuclear facilities in order to meet the long term National Energy Plan. Through the latent class analysis with 1,025 respondents, people are classified into three groups(favor-class, support-class, opposition-class). The favor-class is the largest group which has moderate good attitudes toward the nuclear facilities in terms of economy, cleanness. and necessity but concerns a little about safety. The second largest group is the support-class which comprises 1/4 portion of people. The people in the class show the aggressive support for the nuclear facilities. 15% of the respondents belong to the opposition-class which show the negative attitudes to expansion of neclear facilities. In order to increase the acceptability of nuclear faculties, the most urgent work for the government to do is to less people's concern about nuclear safety.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.409-431
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• 2012

This article deals with the nature of ISDS along with the admissibility thereof, for the settlement of investment disputes between states and nationals of other states. ICSID as an organization of World Bank Group, has been established in 1966 and as of May in 2011, 157 nations ratified its convention. As for the Republic of Korea(ROK) it has been involved in the problematic situation with regard to ISDS of the KORUS FTA in negotiation with the United States. The ruling Grand National Party is pushing the FTA for ratification including ISDS. However, the opposition party, the Unified Democratic Party rejected the ISDS with a view to a toxin infringing on its judiciary sovereignty. The ROK has invested in the US 3.5 times more than the US did in Korea up to now. As a result, it seems that the ROK is more concerned about ISDS than the US is, considering that exhausting local remedy through the US local courts, applying even a municipal ordinance in their decisions which will be unsatisfactory toward the ROK side. The ROK is now struggling with the ISDS as a political issue between the ruling party and the opposition party mostly based on sovereignty with a reference on AUSFTA which excluded the ISDS. Australian model about ISDS has been impacted by the experience from the NAFTA which allowes direct claims against each other(the US against Canada and Canada against the US). It seems not to be much sympathy for developed countries because it has long been held to standards for pressing on developing countries. Australia is also struggling with ISDS from the political point of view likewise the ROK. And the ISDS is destined to the political situations established within the domestic countries among the political parties in relation with the acceptance or rejection of thereof.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.59
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• pp.138-161
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• 2012

This study is designed to explore the function of Twitter as a campaign platform during election campaign. For exploring the function of Twitter the form of tweet, the type of information on tweet and the way of opinion expression via Twitter were discussed by content analysis. This study finds, first, that, netizens express their opoinion of candidates without foundation and with emotional reactions. Second, they showed somewhat conflictive reactions according to their supporting candidates. This study conceptualized various kinds of public as 'blindly support public,' and 'blindly opposition public' in case of Park's supporters, 'rational support public,' and 'critical opposition public' in case of Na's supporters. Third, Park's supporters debated Na candidate's attitude of debate and her appearance blindly without foundation. Na's supporters argued Park's attitude of debate and his ignorance of Seoul Metropolitan government's policy blindly without foundation. Finally, this study discussed the relationship between the political discourse according to netizens' supporting via Twitter and the results of election. Park whose supporters attacked the opposing candidate by blaming her appearance and her attitude of debate won the election. Na didn't overcome her negative images. For her Twitter functioned as a media which is spreading negative factors about her. In conclusion, Twitter as a campaign platform during election times plays a key role in discussing candidates. However, netizens need to express their opinions with foundation and the candidates have to consider negative issue management. This study highlights the importance of peripheral factors which have a decisive effect on the results of election. The results of this study is useful for building political campaign strategy by candidates.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.1153-1163
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of task-oriented activities on hand functions in patients with hand injuries. From December 2011 to October 2012, sixteen patients with hand injuries at C Hospital in Changwon, Gyeongsangnam-do, Korea were randomly divided into two groups. One group was subjected to task-oriented activity and the other to general exercise. Two groups performed each activity once a day, three times a week, for four weeks. The group with the task-oriented activities was provided with the tasks according to subject-preference based on the result of Canadian Occupational Performance Measure (COPM). To verify the effect of intervention, the following hand function measures were used: grip strength, pinch strength, and the range of opposition and abduction, Purdue pegboard test and Disabilities of the Arm, Shoulder and Hand (DASH). Both groups showed significant increase in all of the hand function measures after 4-week activities(p<.05). The task-oriented activity group was significantly different from the control group in powers for tip pinch, lateral pinch and three-jaw chuck pinch, Purdue pegboard test and DASH(p<.05) except in grip strength and the range of opposition and abduction suggesting better improvement in hand functions. This study shows that task-oriented activities improve the hand functions more effectively in patients with hand injuries.

• Proceedings of KOSOMES biannual meeting
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• 2008.05a
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• pp.137-141
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• 2008

9 kinds of nanoparticle used for this study was a particle with the size of less than 100 nm of diameter, and Artemia sp. cyst examined what kind a influence to have upon the process hatched out in nauplius. 82% hatched in nauplius at the opposition ward where a nanoparticle wasn't added after 24 time course. AGZ020, Nano silver, P-25, Sb and SnO nanoparticle showed hatching rate of 18%, 20%, 13%, 50% and 0% respectively by the 20mg/L density, and it became clear that a harmful effect is big, but I had a harmful effect compared with the opposition ward by 75%, 60%, 73% and 73% respectively by Ag-$TiO_2$, In, Sn and Zn nanoparticle, but a feeble thing was known relatively compared with AGZ020, Nano silver, P-25, Sb and SnO nanoparticle. The difference was mused this with the ingredient a nanoparticle has. Ag is included 2% and AGZ020, Nano silver and P-25 nanoparticle are used widely as anti-fungus agent, and the SnO nanoparticle which became combination is a light catalyst pill, and oxygen is used for a Sn particle. This and others, a possibility that use is generalized and flows into aquatic environment in sequence the home electronics, functionality cosmetics, anti-fungus agent and a light catalyst pill at present becomes high for nanoparticles and others. The anxiety which has an influence on the ecology world in the water with this can be generated, so I'd have to study the potential danger a nanoparticle has continuously.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.113-140
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• 2015

This paper explains how the basic and instinctive emotion "joy" is verbally expressed in Russian and Korean. In particular, the main concern of this pater is on the cultural context with which the emotion "joy" is related and the ways in which the emotion "joy" has a wide range of uses. The semantic and pragmatic characteristics of the uses of the expression "joy" can be explained through the cultural and historical backgrounds in both languages. In Russian, joy has two variants, radost' and udovol'stvie. It is very difficult to distinguish a significant difference between them; however, the former is mainly connected with more mental, spiritual, cultural, and religious contexts, whereas the latter is mainly related with more concrete, instantaneous contexts and daily life. The former produces an impression that has a more wide, spiritual, and macroscopic attitude toward a situation, whereas the latter produces an impression that has a microscopic and instantaneous attitude toward a situation. Compared with the Russian expressions, the Korean equivalents, 기쁨 and 즐거움, have a very similar opposition like that of the Russian. The former is based on a more logical and causal relation between an anticipation or desire and the current situations, whereas the latter is based on the participation of speakers in a situation and has a very instantaneous characteristic, like a udovol'stvie in Russian. Thus, it can be reasonable argued that the Russian udovol'stvie and the Korean 즐거움 share many similar semantic properties. In brief summary, in both languages there exists two distinctive variants that show a privative opposition to express the emotional concept of joy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.53-82
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• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-118
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• 2016

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election (GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-${\grave{a}}$-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a "fixed deposit"state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.