• Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.79-98
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to suggest a model analysing spatio-temporal characteristics of the civil complaints for the officially assessed land price based on big data mining. Specifically, in this study, the underlying reasons for the civil complaints were found from the spatio-temporal perspectives, rather than the institutional factors, and a model was suggested monitoring a trend of the occurrence of such complaints. The official documents of 6,481 civil complaints for the officially assessed land price in the district of Jung-gu of Incheon Metropolitan City over the period from 2006 to 2015 along with their temporal and spatial poperties were collected and used for the analysis. Frequencies of major key words were examined by using a text mining method. Correlations among mafor key words were studied through the social network analysis. By calculating term frequency(TF) and term frequency-inverse document frequency(TF-IDF), which correspond to the weighted value of key words, I identified the major key words for the occurrence of the civil complaint for the officially assessed land price. Then the spatio-temporal characteristics of the civil complaints were examined by analysing hot spot based on the statistics of Getis-Ord $Gi^*$. It was found that the characteristic of civil complaints for the officially assessed land price were changing, forming a cluster that is linked spatio-temporally. Using text mining and social network analysis method, we could find out that the occurrence reason of civil complaints for the officially assessed land price could be identified quantitatively based on natural language. TF and TF-IDF, the weighted averages of key words, can be used as main explanatory variables to analyze spatio-temporal characteristics of civil complaints for the officially assessed land price since these statistics are different over time across different regions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.142-157
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• 2016

In 2008, the oldest wooden tablets, in the Baekje area, were uncovered from the Bogam-ri site in Naju. This paper defines wooden tablets to as objects with inking inscriptions. Of 65 wooden tablets contained in the excavation report of this site, this paper examines the meanings of 13 tablets with inscriptions written in ink by comparing them with other tablets found in the Baekje area. All tablets were unearthed from Pit Feature No. 1, a large-scale feature, at this site. Vertical stratigraphy of the feature is divided into 43 layers; but it seems that it does not reflect the chronological order, since unearthed artefacts, including wooden tablets, pottery, and roof tiles, turned out to be produced at the same age. Wooden tablets were not found in other features, and intentionally buried in this feature. Typological characteristics of wooden tablets indicate that the pit was the secondary refuse place. The inscription of the wooden tablets labeled 'gyeongonyeon(庚午年)' and the radiocarbon dates of them indicate that these tablets were created in the early 7th century AD, centered in 610 AD. On the basis of contents and typological characteristics, these are classified into six documents, six tags, and one tablet for other purpose. Total 89 pieces of wooden tablets have been unearthed in the Baekje area. Except tablets found in Naju and Geumsan, all have been collected in palaces, royal gardens, and temples inside and outside of the Sabi Capital. The significant wooden tablets of Baekje, which can be compared with tablets from Bogam-ri, were unearthed at from the Gwanbuk-ri site, the Gungnamji site, and the Ssangbuk-ri 280-5 site. Comparative studies on wooden tablets have revealed that the place name during the Wungjin Commandery Period, the status marking method standardized in the order of place name, official rank and person's name, the fact that Baekje operated the system of prefecture(郡), and Bogam-ri was one of the places where prefecture was established, and the evidence of family register system. Wooden tablets at Bogam-ri record the documented date (610 AD), the documented place (Duhilseong where the prefecture established), and the writers (advisors and staffs of the prefecture). The recorded contents of them are invaluable data showing the local administrative system of Baekje, such as the status marking method, the means of description, the family-register system, and the land surveying system.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.34
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• pp.221-250
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• 2012

This paper introduces the characteristics of the records and archives management of Korea from Joseon dynasty to now. This paper also explains historical background of making the records and archives management in Joseon dynasty. This paper introduces the process of establishment of modern records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA after liberation in 1945. The Joseon bureaucrats established systematic methodologies for managing and arranging the records. Jeseon dynasty managed its records systematically since it was a bureaucratic regime. It is also noticeable that the famous Joseonwangjosilrok(Annals of Joseon dynasty) came out of the power struggles for the control of the national affairs between the king and the nobility during the time of establishment of the dynasty. Another noticeable feature of the records tradition in Joseon dynasty was that the nobility recorded their experience and allowed future generations use and refer their experiences and examples when they performed similar business. The records of Joseon period are the historical records which recorded contemporary incidents and the compilers expected the future historians evaluate the incidents they recorded. In 1894, the reformation policy of Gaboh governments changed society into modernity. The policy of Gaboh governments prescribed archive management process through 'Regulation(命令頒布式)'. They revised the form of official documents entirely. They changed a name of an era from Chinese to unique style of Korean, and changed original Chinese into Korean or Korean-Chinese together. Also, instead of a blank sheet of paper they used printed paper to print the name of each office. Korea was liberated from Japanese Imperialism in 1945 and the government of Republic of Korea was established in 1948. In 1950s Republic of Korea used the records management system of the Government-General of Joseon without any alteration. In the late of 1950's Republic of Korea constructed the new records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA. However, understanding of records management was scarce, so records and archives management was not accomplished. Consequently, many important records like presidential archives were deserted or destroyed. A period that made the biggest difference on National Records Management System was from 1999 when was enacted. Especially, it was the period of President Roh's five-year tenure called Participation Government (2003-2008). The first distinctive characteristic of Participation Government's records management is that it implemented governance actively. Another remarkable feature is a nomination of records management specialists at public institutions. The Participation Government also legislated (completely revised) . It led to a beginning of developing records management in Republic of Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.240-253
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• 2021

Various decipherment technologies, including manual rubbing, have been continuously applied to the Goguryeo Stele in Chungju. However, an official document for advanced decipherment is required as there remain characters to be deciphered. This study focuses on interdisciplinary digital decipherment using digital visualization results based on reflectance transformation imaging and three-dimensional scanning. On that basis, the joint decipherment document in 2019 is classified into eight types according to character changes from 1979 to 2000, and decipherment achievements are discussed. Important outcomes of the joint decipherment document include a new interpretation of four existing characters and the identification of 28 new characters. Additionally, 68 characters on the front face and 20 on the left face, which are listed differently in previous decipherment documents, are determined to be a single character through a consensus process. Compared to the previous decipherment document, the "decision" character is increased by a total of 89 characters (22.6%), and the "different opinion" character is decreased by 126 characters (32.0%). Thus, this digital decipherment greatly contributes to the reexamination of the Goguryeo Stele in Chungju and complements the previous decipherment document through reflectance transformation imaging and three-dimensional scanning. However, continuous research is necessary to enhance decipherment rates, since 123 characters (31.3%) are yet to receive decipherment. In the future, decipherment advancement regarding the Goguryeo Stele in Chungju should be based on convergence research between the humanities and science. Furthermore, it seems that researchers must make constant efforts to apply new imaging analysis technology and to develop customized technology for decipherment.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.