• Survey Research
• /
• v.4 no.2
• /
• pp.23-45
• /
• 2003

While people with higher education are more likely to vote in most western societies, they are less likely to vote in Korea. To explain this puzzle, this paper introduces new concept of "distrust of the public promise. " With this new concept, this paper contends that in Korea where public promises are so easily broken, those with higher education are more skeptical of the politicians. Based on the various post-election surveys, this paper shows that "distrust of the public promise" leads the more educated people to abstain in the election. By adding rational factors of the voters to the conventional model, this paper proposed a more comprehensive model to explain non-voters in Korea. This paper explains increasing Korean non-voters in terms of rational choice perspective. choice perspective.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
• /
• v.8 no.5
• /
• pp.445-454
• /
• 2021

Leader and leadership are one of the important aspects in the life of a country. This study aims to predict the intention of young voters to vote for state leader elections by expanding the theory of planned behavior to the Indonesian context. Apart from the importance of the presidential election, research rarely uses the theory of planned behavior, and to the best of researchers' knowledge, there are no studies that have applied the theory of planned behavior to predict the intention to vote for the president. Therefore, this study is an attempt to fill that gap. Two hundred questionnaires were distributed using non-probability purposive sampling. Data analysis was carried out using the structural equation modeling (SEM) approach. The results showed that attitude and behavior control were positively related to voters' intention to elect presidential candidates. Furthermore, information from social media also has a positive relationship with the attitude of choosing presidential candidates. However, the results also show that subjective norms do not have a significant relationship with voters' intention. This study contributes knowledge to researchers, practitioners, and policymakers about the factors that influence youth intention to vote in Indonesia, namely, attitudes, perceived behavior control, and information from social media.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.11
• /
• pp.306-316
• /
• 2018

This research studies voter's value and attitude reflected by the politician's overall image and scrutinizes the separate structures of the voters' subjectivity on the matter. Objective of the research is to explain the influence that exercises on voters' political actions through this procedure. On this research, there were 32 Q samples that are selected, and they were categorized by a pool of 20 people. Result showed total of 3 different categories of cognition patterns towards Gyeonggi-do Governor Lee Jae Myeong. Of the 3 categories, category 1 (N=4) was a reformer with apparent principles and initiatives, category 2 (N=12) was an efficient tactician with executive ability, and the last category 3 (N=4) was a populist that strives to achieve his political ambition. Opinion of the samples in the first category was that Governor Lee is the right guy for demolishing the barrier between vested class and the non-vesting in the society. Voters in the second category showed expectation for Governor Lee's executive policies that satisfy the voters, given his abilities proven while he was in mayor's office for Seongnam city. People in the pool of category 3 worried that Governor Lee is busy increasing his approval rating and popularity by asserting unrealistic opinions and impractical policies.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.5-40
• /
• 2021

In the 4.7 by-election in 2021, the ruling Democratic Party suffered a record devastating defeat, breaking the trend of a post-intermediate evaluation confirmed in the recent election. Why did the Democratic Party lose by a large margin unlike the recent election trend? In order to find answers to these questions, this study analyzes the voting behavior of individual voters based on the voter consciousness survey data conducted after the 4.7 by-election, while examining the background and causes of such voter choices. As a result of the study, in the 4.7 by-election, as confirmed in previous studies, public opinion against the ruling government was strong, and negative elections were held. However, if we look at the process and results of this by-election in more detail, we can see that it is different from the general by-election. In the past by-elections, the government judgement was due to the passive participation of the ruling party-oriented voters in elections with low political weight, or the active judgement psychology that was maximized in situations where the political burden was less. However, in this by-election, on the contrary, in an election with a high political weight, the active judgement psychology of the Democratic Party and non-partisan voters had an effect on strengthening the midterm evaluation character of the election. In addition, it can be seen that the gathering of conservative voters who support the opposition also had a strong influence on the reinforcement of the midterm evaluation character of the election.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.63-92
• /
• 2019

What motivates split-ticket voting in mixed electoral systems, where voters choose one party in district races and another party on the party list ballot? While much of the literature assumes strategic intent, three aspects commonly are overlooked: the competitiveness of district races, the presence of a district candidate from one's preferred party, and whether voters know the electoral threshold for party list seats. Furthermore, few studies disaggregate types of split-ticket voting (e.g. not voting for one's preferred party in a district vs. party list). Taiwan provides an intriguing case study for analysis, not only as a relatively new adopter of a mixed system, but also the presence of additional conditions that would encourage at least the consideration of a split ticket. Using survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) after the Taiwan's 2016 Legislative Yuan election, this analysis finds that knowing the threshold, the winner's margin, and the placement of a district candidate from one's preferred party all influence split-ticket voting among those with a partisan preference. However, closer inspection identifies a distinction between defecting from the district versus the party list. Evidence shows that district competitiveness and candidate placement influences defection from the district candidate, while the electoral threshold influences defection from the party list. The results add to our understanding of strategic and non-strategic incentives in mixed systems.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• v.2 no.3
• /
• pp.196-227
• /
• 2015

The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.

• The Transactions of the Korea Information Processing Society
• /
• v.7 no.2
• /
• pp.392-400
• /
• 2000

In this paper, we propose an electronic election protocol based on VIOT protocol which utilizes public key cryptographic system and blind signature method to meet the seccurity requirement in election systems. Our proposed electronic election protocol provide voter's privacy and non-repudiation functionality which detect any misdemeanors of voters or relevant personnels.

• Survey Research
• /
• v.11 no.3
• /
• pp.33-55
• /
• 2010

In this study, we newly define the Total Survey Error(TSE) in exit poll and investigate the TSEs of the exit poll survey for the 18th general election of 2008 to analyse the cause of the exit poll prediction error. To explore the main cause and effect of the total survey error, the total survey error was divided by the sampling error which comes from sampling process of poll stations and the non-sampling error which comes from selecting voter and collecting responses from sampled voters in each electoral district. We consider the relationship between non-response rates and total survey error as well as non-sampling error. Also, we study the representativeness of the exit poll sample by comparing the sex/age distribution of the exit poll data and the National Election Commission poll data.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• v.1 no.4
• /
• pp.307-344
• /
• 2014

Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative. Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"- the third person. Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages. This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• v.29 no.1 s.52
• /
• pp.113-131
• /
• 1996

This study was carried out to evaluate the relations among workers' general characteristics, work-related behaviors and health related behaviors in a steel industry with 1,134 workers in Pohang. The results were as follows; 1. The mean age of workers was 50 years old and working duration was 15 years and over. Most of them were married(94.5%) and had studied beyond high school (53.0%). They performed three shift work and most of them(63.0%) had experienced industial accidents. The frequency of noise and dust exposure was defined by a minimum of 6 hours per day, and workers complained about noise exposure(62.9%) and dust(55.6%). There were current smokers(67.7%), current drinkers(74.3%) and current exercising workers(32.3%) in the industry. The number of cigarette consumption in current drinkers was significantly high $(13.6{\pm}8.4\;pieces/day)$ and the alcohol consumption in current smokers was significantly high$(104.5{\pm}113.5\;g/wk)$. And the number of cigarette consumption of exercisers was significantly low and the alcohol consumption of exercisers was higher than non-exercisers. 3. The ratio of current smokers on frequent noise in exposed workers versus non-exposed workers was not significantly high but the current drinkers in frequent noise and dust exposed workers was significantly higher than non-exposed. 4. The normal levels of SGOT workers in non-smokers were significantly higher than in current smokers, and the normal levels of LFT (SGOT, SGPT, $\gamma-GTP$ workers in nondrinkers were significantly high. The normal levels of SBP and DBP workers in current smokers were not significantly high but were significantly high in non-drinkers. 5. The ratio of current smokers in voters unsatisfied with their job and working condition was higher than non-smokers, but the ratio of current drinkers in workers satisfied with their job and working condition were higher. 6. The significant factors for SGOT and $\gamma-GTP$ were age, the drinking amount and BMI. But the only significant factor for r-GTP was BMI. The significant factors for DBP were age, the alcohol consumption and BMI. And the significant factors for SBP were age, BMI.