• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.53
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• pp.31-49
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• 2003

Neo-liberalism, the most influential ideology in the current world, argues for the commercialization of social security programs and for the dissolution of the interventionist welfare state. From the neo-liberal viewpoint, social services become more efficient and more advantageous for recipients, when provided by the market, not by the state. It is also argued that the welfare of all social members is best secured when the market freely operates without any interference from the state. From the neo-liberal point of view, an argument was raised to commercialize the state-administered Workers' Compensation program of Korea in the mid-1990s. This argument was faced with strong resistances from labor unions and social welfare circles, and has disappeared since the economic breakdown and the restructuring of Korean society during the late 1990s. Butr, such an argument can emerge anytime as the nee-liberal ideology become more powerful. This article aims to examine the neo-liberal argument that the privatization of social security programs, through an increases in efficiency, improves the interests of the recipients as well as the whole society. For this, this article attempts to analyze the Workers' Compensation programs of the USA, which, from state to state, are administered by the state government or by private insurance companies. This study can serve as an effective critique for the neo-liberal argument, if it finds that state-administered Workers' Compensation programs are more efficient than those managed by insurance companies. This article's another aim is to assess the controversies over the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program of Korea during the mid to late 1990s. The controversies were more about which viewpoint is right and, in most cases, lacked empirical evidence. This study shall empirically criticize the argument for the privatization of the Workers' Compensation program.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-195
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• 1999

이 글은 '강력한 남성 부양자'국가로서 90년대 일본사회가 제시한 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책을 살펴보고 평가하는데 그 목적이 있다. 논의의 초점은 크게 3가지로 구분되는데 어머니로서는 보육정책을, 노동자로서는 노동정책을, 부인으로서는 사회보장 정책에 대한 논의가 그것이다. 보육정책의 경우 급격한 소자녀와 추세에 따라서 94년에 도입된 "엔젤 플랜"의 성격을 소개하였다. 노동정책은 99년 4월 실시된 개정 '노기법', 균등법', 휴업법' 내용을 다루었다. 정책내용에 담겨 있는 성이 여성의 규정방식을 평가하였다. 90년대 이후 지속되는 일본경제의 장기 불황 그리고 전세계적으로 도입되고 있는 신자유주의적 사조는, 90년대 이루어진 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책 개정의 효과를 반감시키는 요인으로 작용할 수 있다. 즉, 최근 개정된 일련의 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책의 기조는 '강력한 남성부양자' 국가인 일본사회의 남성 중심성을 수정 보완하기에는 역부족으로 보인다.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.47-55
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• 2019

The aim of this article is to critically explore the history, methods, characteristics and cause mechanism of Korean farmers' movement who resisted to market globalization from the perspective of social movement theory. I believe that the most influential elements of Korean farmers' movement are three structural elements; namely resentment, political opportunity structure, and media and discourse. Therefore, focusing on the three elements, I analyze the emergence and expansion of the Korean farmers' movement against market globalization from 1993 to 2008. And I analyze the roles of these three structural elements which played in farmers' social movement in South Korea. Particularly, this article analyses in perspective of market globalization and government trust crisis about the basic reason why Korean farmers' movement was so fierce in process of agricultural market globalization.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.137-159
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• 2012

This is a dissertation about the state and cable television industry relationship during the early days of Kim Dae-Jung administration(1998.2-2000.1) in Korea. This study adopted historical approach and methodology of archival research. Offe's state theories of reproduction of late capitalism and the concept of Korean patriarchal state-led capitalism were suggested in this paper. Offe argued that the goal of the late capitalist state is successful capital accumulation and democratic legitimation with bureaucratic rationalization. For this purpose, the state intervenes market structuring by various plans and national policies. The Kim Dae-Jung administration reorganized cable television market with neo-liberalistic strategies and corporatist forms of policy-making. The government negotiated capitalists and civil society for managing capitalistic economy and cable television market in a horizontal relationship. Successful consequences of the market growth resulted in generating mass loyalty. The former administrations to the contrary, invisibly arranged state-led capitalism was an only alternative to the Kim Dae-Jung administration. The Korean state-led capitalism evolved gradually into different forms.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.390-402
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• 2007

According to the paradigm of Neo-liberalism, the issue of ability grouping has grown more and more in education of Korea. And because of the influence of ability grouping, now ability grouping is enforcing partially in the subjects of English and Mathematics. But ability grouping is going to expand to the all subjects. So, it is very important that how teachers and students are recognize about partial ability grouping in the subjects of English and Mathematics. Because that information about partial ability grouping can guide direction for the future educational policy. The purpose of this study was to actually analyze teacher's and students' recognition of partial ability grouping in the subjects of English and Mathematics. To accomplish this purpose, 622 middles school students and 552 teachers were sampled. As a tool of investigation, questionnaires about teacher's and students' recognition of partial ability grouping had made by researcher of this study were used. And as processing of data, t-test, F-test, Scheff-test were used. The result of this study is as follow. First, teachers who are experiencing ability grouping recognized more negative about ability grouping than teachers who are not experiencing ability grouping. Second, students who have low ability recognized more negative about ability grouping than students who have high ability. Third, teachers who are experiencing ability grouping recognized more ineffective about ability grouping than teachers who are not experiencing ability grouping. Fourth, students who have low ability recognized more ineffective about ability grouping than students who have high ability.

• Journal of Environmental Science International
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.281-287
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• 2017

The main task of landscape architecture is to create a higher quality of the environment by utilizing resources or to provide effective stewardship for the preserved environment. These outcomes enhance the correlation between humans and the environment. Landscape architect deals with direct use of market economic goods in private property resources such as capital, land, plant, structure. But it also has indirect use of non-market economic goods in public resources like scenic view from the forest, sea, urbanscape, and refreshing atmosphere. At this point, landscaping products should have a role of public goods, and even these attribute to individuals or certain group. From the results of neo-liberalism regime in modern era such as guarantee of private property, deregulation for free market, and reduction of social welfare, minority has getting less opportunity to enjoy the quality life in ecotop and social welfare. With all future, landscape architecture should have the role of social infrastructure through planning concept that ensures public interests first. The virtuous functions of Green Infrastructure is a proper tool in realizing environmental justice in that it efficiently protects environment, and distributes fair benefits to all people.

• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.189-210
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• 2018

This paper begins with the notion of 'pick-me generation', which refers to today's young generation in Korea. It is named after the title of a song introduced at the Television programme for the competitive audition for girl-group singers. This name gives an idea of the atmosphere of the competition that the current young generation experiences in South Korea. In parallel to it, the research examines the meaning of freedom and choice in democratic education in Oh Chunsuck, in his later work in particular. This paper attempts to demonstrate the possibility to relate Oh's notion of freedom and democracy in relation to Han who critically analyses contemporary discourses on neo-liberalism and democracy. This paper re-views Oh's ideals of democracy and education within its own limitations on freedom. The argument extends Oh's idea of freedom and ethical democracy to the idea of freedom that is relevant to today's younger generation.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.101-127
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• 2014

This study aims to understand how and why each stage of capitalism grows and changes into the new direction in the moment of crisis, based on the systems thinking approach through the causal loop feedback structure. To achieve the research purpose, it classifies the evolution process of the capitalistic economic system into 4 types: Capitalism 1.0(Classical Laissez-Faire Capitalism), 2.0(Revised Capitalism), 3.0(Neo-liberalism), and 4.0(New Capitalism for the Future). This study focuses particularly on by which feedback structure the growth, crisis, and new transition of capitalism could be explained. The main research results are as follows. The intended positive feedback structure caused the growth at each early stage of capitalism. After that time, as a result of the uncontrolled growth, the negative feedback structure controlling its growth operated on the one hand, while the positive feedback structure amplifying the crisis did on the other hand. The study suggests the Resilient Capitalism as the new evolutional direction of Capitalism 4.0. It can contribute to strengthening its resilience by which all the economic players can recover promptly and flexibly from the crises such as the failure of competition and unemployment.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.44
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• pp.117-145
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• 2001

This paper attempts to assess the impact and implication of globalization on social welfare in Korea. It is no easy task to give an exact definition of globalization and the concept has been used in many different senses, that is, economic, social, cultural, political globalization. In particular, the meaning of globalization is connected to the rise and expansion of neo-liberalism. Globalization tends to undermine national welfare systems by the social dumping, race to the bottom, privatization of social services, labor market flexibility. On the other hand, in many studies the negative impact of globalization on social welfare has been questioned. Instead of end or erosion of the welfare systems, it is emphasized that competitiveness and welfare may go hand in hand. We investigate the question what and how the social welfare system in Korea has been changed in globalization process. In order to answer, this paper examines the changes in welfare ideology, welfare programs, social stratification level after economic crisis. The result of analysis is that in contrast to globalist expectations which is to retrench social welfare, paradoxically, the welfare system in Korea has been reinforced in globalization process. Therefore, the alleged impact of globalization on social welfare will be independent on the structure of domestic institution, political legacies, and on the socialization of global politics such as IMF, World Bank, ILO, UNDP, etc., on the welfare politics of stakeholders in national state.