• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.35-45
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• 2023

First, The spatial distribution characteristics of old big trees were analyzed using ArcGIS figures by combining basic information such as species and ages of old big trees in Handan City, which were compiled by the local bureau of landscaping. The types of species, distribution by ages of trees, ownership status, growth status, and diversity status were comprehensively analyzed. Statistically, Styphnolobium, Acacia, Gleditsia, and Albizia of Fabaceae accounted for the majority, of which Sophora japonica accounted for the highest proportion. Sophora japonica is widely and intensively distributed to each prefecture and district in Handan city. According to the age and distribution, the old big trees over 1000 years old were mainly Sophora japonica, Zelkova serrata, Juniperus chinensis, Morus australis Koidz., Dalbergia hupeana Hance, Ceratonia siliqua L., and Pistacia chinensis, and Platycladus orientalis. Second, as found in each type of old big tree status, various types of old big tree status were investigated, the protection management system, protection management process, and protection management benefits were studied, and the protection of old big tree was closely related to the growth environment. Currently, the main driving force behind the protection of old big trees is the worship of old big trees. By depositing its sacredness to the old big tree and sublimating the natural character that nature gave to the old big tree into a guiding consciousness of social activities, nature's "beauty" and personality's "goodness" are well combined. The protection state of the old big tree is closely related to the degree of interaction with the surrounding environment and the participation of various cultures and subjects. In the process of continuously interacting with the surrounding environment during the long-term growth of old big trees, it seems that a natural sanctuary was formed around old big trees in the process of voluntarily establishing a "natural-cultural-scape" system involving bottom-up and top-down cross-regions, multicultural and multi-subjects. Third, China focused on protecting and recovering old big trees, but the protection management system is poor due to a lack of comprehensive consideration of historical and cultural values, plant diversity significance, and social values of old big trees in the management process. Three indicators of space's regional characteristics, property and protection characteristics, and value characteristics can be found in the evaluation of the natural characteristics of old giant trees, which are highly valuable in terms of traditional consciousness management, resource protection practice, faith system construction, and realization of life community values. A systematic management system should be supported as to whether they can be protected and developed for a long time. Fourth, as the perception of protected areas is not yet mature in China, "natural sanctuary" should be treated as an important research content in the process of establishing a nature reserve system. The form of natural sanctuary management, which focuses on bottom-up community participation, is a strong supplement to the current type of top-down nature reserve management in China. Based on this, the protection of old giant trees should be included in the form of a nature reserve called a natural monument in the nature reserve system. In addition, residents of the area around the nature reserve should be one of the main agents of biodiversity conservation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.212-235
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of the location and the spatial composition of Uireung that is located in Seokgwan-dong, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul, in order to understand the landscape architectural characteristics. The results are as follows. First, Uireung is 6.4km from Changdeokgung Palace and 5.5km from Heunginjimun Gate. It did not violate the distance standard (40km) for the royal tombs according to Joseon Dynasty Neung-won Myo-je. Second, Uireung is in harmony with the nature and shows the authoritative characteristics of the royal authority through the spatial composition and rank(Entrance Area, Ceremonial Area, Burial Area). Third, there are burial mound, stone sheep, stone tiger, stone table, stone watch pillars in the upper platform, and stone civil official, stone horse, stone lantern in the middle platform, and stone military official, stone horse in the lower platform, and T-shape shrine, worship road in the ceremonial area. There is no pond and a tomb keeper residence, but the position, size, and form can be approximated through historical research materials. There are a colony of pine trees around the burial mound and 64 species of trees such as pine tree, zelcova tree, and fir tree below the burial mound.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.179-202
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• 2010

In addition to the emphasis on filial piety ethics in everyday life, filial piety obtained a further significance in Confucianism which had the strong sense of ancestor worship. This paper focuses on filial piety as a mechanism of continuity within Confucianism and points out that it owed its development to its connection to agricultural culture. The sedentary life with less mobility forged a relative intimacy among people and filial piety was the actual expression of that kind of intimate affection. Yet, filial piety in Confucianism created a unique culture in terms that it not only stipulated material and emotional support for parents but also expected one's piety to the further ancestors through a memorial service and made its connection to the infinite posterity through sons. From the perspective of Confucianism that established filial piety at the turning point from life to death, the self existing in present was not an isolated self anymore. Yet, one can see another characteristic of Confucianism from that filial piety, based on blood bonds, could move beyond paternalism to broaden itself. It could be expanded to the care for strangers. The aged experience and wisdom through agricultural life begot the insight that the nature made its infinite connections with everything through circulation. As a stone thrown in a pond would enlarge its boundary by drawing larger and larger concentric circles, this thought enabled people to enlarge their affection to their parents to universal humanity. In this enlarged network, though it was natural to make distinctions between the closer and the farther, Confucianism sought to overcome it by establishing oneself upright. Confucianism emphasized the moral cultivation with its filial piety concept that contained the diachronic thought penetrating life and death and the broadened perspective relating everything around. In Confucianism, filial piety provided an important medium in forming a moral subject that penetrated life and death and related self and others. Inherent in it is the Confucius thought of continuity that searched for a paragon of a moral human being regardless of time and space.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.396-417
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• 1991

In order that nursing care an essential quality of nursing practice be acceptable and satisfying, it is necessary that client's culture be respected and that nursing practice be appropriate to that culture. Since cultural elements are an important influence on health practices and life patterns related to medical treatment, recovery from and prevention of disease, nurses need to have an understanding and knowledge of social and cultural phenomena to aid in the planning of nursing interventions. To understand the health practices surrounding health and illness, the health beliefs and practices of both folk and professional healing systems should be ascertained. Cultural data are required to provide care of high quality to clients and to reduce possible conflict between the client and the nurse. It is nursing's goal to provide clients from various cultures with quality nursing care which is satisfying and valuable. The problem addressed by this study was to identify Korean health practices which would contribute to the planning of professional caring practice with the culture : ultimately this study was intended to make a contribution to the development of the science of nursing. The concrete objectives of this study were ; 1) to identify Korean health practices, 2) to interpret the identitial health practices through traditional cultural thought, and 3) to compare the Korean health practices with those of other cultures. The investigator used the ethnosceintific approach outlined by spradly in a qualitative study. To discover ancestral wisdom and knowledge related to traditional health practeces, the subjects of this study were selected from residents of a small rural mountain village in south west Korea, a place considered to be maintaining and transmitting the traditional culture in a relatively well -preserved state because of being isolated from the modern world. The number of subjects was 18, aged 71 to 89. Research data were collected from January 8 to March 31, 1990. Five categories of health practices were identified : “Manage one's own mind”, “Moderation in all thing”, “Live in accord with nature”, “Live in mutuality with others”, and “Live to the best of one's ability”. Values derived from these ways of thinking from Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism help fashion a traditional way of life, examplified by the saying “Benifience to all”. Korean thought and philosophy is influenced primerily by Confucianism, Confucian principles of ethics, embedded deeply in the peoples' minds, form the idea that “heaven and human being are intimately united” based on concept that “heaven is, so to speak, reason”. Twoe Gae's theory of existential subjectivity develops the concept of self which is the basis of the spirit of reverence in modern Confucian philosophy. The human md is granted from heaven out of the idea of matter, and what control the mind is the spirit of reverence. Hence the idea of “The primacy of the mind" and provided that one should control one's own mind. The precepts of duty to parents, respect for elders and worship of ancestors, and moderation in all behavior put a restraint on life which directed that one live earnestly according to Nature's laws with their neighbors. Not only Confucianism, but also Buddism and Taoism have had an important effect upon these patterns of ideas. When compared with western culture, Korean health practices tend to be more inclusive, abstract and intuitive while westerner health practices found to be mere concrete, practical and personal. Values and beliefs based and pragmatism and existentialism infuence western civilization, Ethical values may be founded on utilitarianism, which considers what is good for the persons in their circumstances as the basis of conduct and takes a serious view of their practical lives including human aspirations rather than an absolute truth. These philosophical and ethical ideas are foundations for health practices related to active, practical and progressive attitudes. This study should be enable nursing not only to understand clients as reflections of the traditional culture when planning nursing practice, but to dovelop health education corresponding to cultural requiments for the purpose of protection against disease and improvement of health, and thus promote sound health practice. Eventually it is hoped that through these processes quality nursing care as the central idea of the science of nursing will be achieved.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.359-392
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• 2020

In this paper, we examined the development of Chinese Taoist architecture, its cultural implications, and comprehensively summarized the core principles of the Taoist ecological ideas that are reflected in Taoist architecture. This is a groundwork for exploring an ideological model for sustainable ecological architecture in modern cities. Taoist architecture has a long history that has led to changes, developments, and a gradual maturation. Zhi (治), Lu (廬), and Jing (靖), were the first architectural forms of the early Taoist body. These formed the basis for the future development of Taoist Courts (宮觀). The state-sponsored government-run Taoist Courts established from the time of the North and South Dynasties to the time of Tang Dynasty led to a constant standardization of the rites, and these Courts gradually became more and more formalized. Since the establishment of Quanzhenjiao (全眞敎) in the early 12th century, a movement that emphasized putiy training, architecture for the ascetic practice emerged in remote natural spaces suitable for strict ascetic practices. Meanwhile, in Taoist architecture, the type and structure of buildings were strengthened in order to worship various gods. The various Taoist Courts established through this historical process embody the elements, institutions, and ecological ideas of Taoist culture. Taoist architecture basically pursued the idealism of Paradise in a Deep Cave (洞天福地) and adopted a feng-shui theory of using natural terrain artfully in selecting a place and building a layout. This was reflected through their ecology. Meanwhile, Taoist architecture does not destroy the balance of nature by emphasizing the utilization of local natural resources whenever possible while selecting building materials according to the principles of yinyang and the five movements (陰陽五行). In addition, Taoism aims to select simple places for practising asceticism and ancestral rituals whenever possible because of the need to maintain a simple mind, suppress desire, and return to a state of purity. This attitude is an indication of a kind of simple ecological ideas and value of frugality easily found in Taoism. The ecological ideas of Taoism provide abundant resources for considering solutions to the ecological crisis that arises in the creation of residential environments. Through the ecological ideas of Taoism, we can find a direction to understand the relationship between human beings and nature while creating new, sustainable residential environments.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.1-10
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• 2023

This study aims to explore the significance of historic changes and cultural characteristics of landscape architecture in Korean Seowon. Seowon refers to educational private institutes that also served as Confucian shrines and were prevalent during the mid-to-late Joseon dynasty. Seowon comprised three distinct functional spaces: a shrine, a school, and a garden. The concept of Seowon's garden extended beyond designed landscapes to include the surrounding natural environment. The importance of landscape architecture in Seowon is rooted in its connection to the educational philosophy of these institutes. During the Joseon dynasty, scholars revered nature as a manifestation of Confucian ideals, and they believed that close engagement with nature was integral to self-discipline and learning. This research investigated fifteen relatively well-preserved garden in South Korea and conducted a comprehensive analysis of their gardens. The analysis revealed two key findings. Firstly, gardens in Seowon were actively designed and constructed during the early phase of Seowon culture but gradually diminished after the 17th century. This can be attributed to the shift in Seowon's purpose, with a greater emphasis on its religious function over education. Consequently, the significance and presence of landscape architecture in Seowon, which was closely related with its Confucianist education, declined. Secondly, the study explored the historical backgrounds of each Seowon's landscape architecture and found that many of them were designed or influenced by individuals who were later memorialized and deified in the Seowon's shrines. The landscape architecture created by these predecessors was carefully preserved by the faculties and students as a form of respect. Therefore, landscape architecture in Korean Seowon not only conveys the institutional purpose as an educational hub for the local society but also reflects the institute's strong relationship with the figures they worship as shrines.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

As a symbolic landscape of Seoul, Namsan has undergone not only physical changes but also changes in its human use and characteristics. At this point, research on Namsan, which holds diverse stories that have accumulated over a long period, as a cultural landscape is necessary. In particular, a concrete understanding of the characteristics of the mountain's use in the period of its initiation as a modern park is an important task in research on the history of urban parks. Consequently, the purpose of the present study lies in grasping the use of Namsan at the time of the establishment of Kyongsungbu Namsan Park Design Proposal in 1917 and examining the characteristics per space. The research process was based on the status of the park design plan. The primary source of information came from the analysis of historical newspaper articles. Additional materials including documents, old maps, photographs, postcard materials were also used. The period of the study was 1883 to 1917. This time was the initial period of Namsan Park soon after the opening up of Korea's ports to the world. The major spaces in which Namsan was used as a park encompassed Hanyang Park, Waeseongdae Park, Noin-jeong, Jangchung-dan, and remaining parts of Namsan in a natural state. When the main ways in which each space is used are examined based on the data analyzed, Namsan has been used for purposes including public events, accidents, religious worship, track and field days, field trips, and strolls. When the nature of each of the spaces is determined in terms of the characteristics of their use, these spaces were characterized as community parks, outdoor community spaces, indoor community spaces, sports arenas, and natural parks, among other things. The present study is significant in terms of research on the history of parks for confirming that Namsan in the initial period already served as a modern park for urban activities and grasping the specific urban activities that were engaged in on Namsan.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.66
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• pp.413-437
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• 2021

Humans are created as spiritual beings that can relate to God. However, when a human spirit refuses to transform through confronting God, it experiences a crisis. A spiritual crisis results from disconnecting with God, who is the ultimate foundation, but we humans try to overcome such absence through accomplishments and efforts. In this technological age, the ethics issues of AI (Artificial Intelligence), robots, and cloning are related to anthropology. The development of the mind, heart, and logic cannot suggest a basis for destruction and confusion as much as the development of the world. In fact, education focused on the human mind cannot be considered holistic. Mind, together with thought, will, and belief, plays a crucial role in making choices and leading a human life. So it is actively studied in other domains other than Christian education. However, although the human spirit takes care of some territory of humanity, unlike the mind, it can neither be partial nor fragmentary. Instead, it manages the transformation that influences the core of human life. Therefore, Christian education must clearly concentrate on the spirit rather than on other human elements, intentionally concerning spiritual transformation through encounters with God. In other words, Christian education is the passage connecting a human spirit to God's presence at work, which enables us to understand the human being as a whole. For this, we must put our efforts to increase the chances of encountering God through Christian education. While "Encounter" requires both parties' interaction, "Transformation" stresses God as the main agent and His proactive nature. I also want to emphasize "worship" as the opportunity to communicate and experience God in our daily lives. By examining the preparation and the process of the spiritual transformation of humans, this paper would offer a theological foundation for continued transformation of the human spirit in the faith community, rather than personal experience or conviction.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.