• Title/Summary/Keyword: national rituals

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기록과 실물을 통해 본 조선시대 습신(이(履)·혜(鞋)) - 김원택 일가 출토 습신 중심 - (A Study on Supsin(Shoes for dead) in 18th Centuries through the Analysis of the Historical Records and Excavated Relics)

  • 장인우
    • 복식
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    • 제65권8호
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    • pp.95-109
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    • 2015
  • The purpose of this Study is to understand Supsin (shoes for dead) in late Chosun dynasty through records and excavated relics. The research records in this study were two types which one was official records as The Annals of The Chosean Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄), Dairy of the Royal Secretariat(承政院日記) ets and the other was private records as Korean literary collections of confucian scholars in classical chinese(文集) ect. as for relics use two types of materials that one is the excavated supsins and the other is Research Reports of Excavated Costumes published from museums. Through the Collections, we can notice that shoes were several types which Wunhae(雲鞋), Danghae(唐鞋) Onhae(溫鞋) Wunli(雲履), Taesahae(太史鞋) in Chosun dynasty. these were worn in different ways according to wearer's gender, the social status, daily life or rituals, inside or outside in palace. Wunhae and Wunli was the most ceremonial shoes for man and Onhae was the most ceremonial shoes for woman. the dead man worn the Wunhae or Wunli for Supsin and the dead woman worn Onhae. we could see they use the most ceremonial shoes for supsin. through the records, we could see the change that Women's Supsin was written for the first time in 18th Saraepyenram(四禮便覽). men's Supsin was recorded as '履', while Women's Supsin was recorded as '鞋' in Saraepyenram. the reason for making difference between man and woman in costumes(男女有別). and the excavated Supsin showed that the dead worn more ceremonial shoes than records. these changes mean one of the results for making korean style rituals from chinese style(國俗化).

안동 권씨 충재 권벌 종가음식의 상품화 연구 (Study on Ritual Food Bulcheonwi's Commercialization of Andong Kwon Clans of Choongjae Kwonbeol's Head Family)

  • 김미혜;정혜경
    • 동아시아식생활학회지
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    • 제25권4호
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    • pp.549-564
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    • 2015
  • This study was conducted on the head family house of Panseogong coterie of Andong Kwon clans in Daksil village, Bongwha gun, Kyungbuk: historical sources survey and field visit over four rounds were conducted from March to June 2014. In-depth interview, storytelling, and nutrition facts were used as methods of research using 49 participants, and the potentials of trend goods were the main purpose of this research. The specialties of bongwha prefecture in the Chosun Dynasty were pine nut, manna lichen, ginseng, sweetfish, and wild honey. Ritual food bulcheonwi's offerings a feature in Choongjae Kwonbeol's head family - were sacred wine, me, gang, otang, myun, myunjeok, pyunjeok, pyunchung, pyun, po, chungpomook, dojeok, sookchae, ssam, chimchai, sikhye, chogwa, silgwa, soojunggwa, etc. The ritual foods of bulcheonwi's head family house Choongjae Kwonbeol were commercialized through storytelling. Choongjae Kwonbeol's ritual ceremonies, recognized for their national royalty, were reorganized as the traditional Korean table settings, so that the Korean people could easily access them. The special meal called "Geumgyeporansang" represented the head family house foods' essence to share and serve others through the Dacshil village's natural beauty, Bonghwa's local ingredients, and festivities after the "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals. The ritual foods called "Cheongamjungsang", utilizing "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals, were represented in the form of a lunch box: such foods illustrate the classical scholar's mindset that enjoys the nature and arts through education and virtue.

한국의 육식문화 (Meat Eating Practice in Korea)

  • 임장혁
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제33권
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    • pp.274-289
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    • 2000
  • Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

고려궁성 출토 명문·기호 청자 고찰 (A Study on Inscribed Celadons Excavated from the Goryeo Palace Site)

  • 박지영
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제52권2호
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    • pp.122-141
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    • 2019
  • 고려궁성은 개성에 위치하고 있다는 유적의 특수성으로 인해 유물에 대한 단편적인 접근만이 가능하였으나, 본고에서는 고려궁성 내 전각군의 배치와 역사 기록들에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 출토 자기들을 해석해보았다. 그중 명문 기호 자기는 유적에 대한 보다 구체적인 정보들을 제공하므로 해당 건물지의 시기와 성격, 궁궐의 운영 등을 종합적으로 추정해볼 수 있다. 8차에 걸쳐 진행된 고려궁성의 발굴조사에서 출토된 자기들의 전반적인 양상을 살펴보았으며, 고려궁성에서 출토된 18종의 명문 기호 청자들을 특징 시기별로 분류하였다. 본고에서는 13세기 후반으로 편년되었던 '소전(燒錢)'명 청자들을 고려궁성 발굴조사 결과와 문헌 기록에 근거하여 13세기 전반에 사용되었던 것으로 보았다. 이는 '소전'명 청자와 공반하는 기호(${\circ}$, ${\odot}$) 청자, '성(成)'명 청자의 편년, 그리고 이들 청자가 중앙건축군의 선경전(宣慶殿, 회경전) 뒤편에서 출토되었다는 점을 종합적으로 검토한 결과이다. 13세기 후반에는 초제가 서부건축군의 강안전(康安殿, 대관전)에서 대부분 행해졌고, '소전'명 청자가 출토된 선경전 구역에서 초제가 거행된 것은 강화 천도(1232~1270) 직전인 13세기 전반에 집중되어 있기 때문이다. 따라서 8차 발굴조사에서 출토된 '소전'명 청자 잔을 비롯한 다수의 잔과 잔탁은 13세기 전반 선경전에서 거행된 초제에서 사용되었을 가능성이 크다.

말레이시아 말레이인 일생의례의 문화적 특징과 의미 (The Cultural Characteristics and Meanings of the Rite of Passage among Malays in Malaysia)

  • 홍석준
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제1권1호
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    • pp.27-50
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    • 2009
  • Although Malaysia chooses Islam as national religion, the nation has really shown a variety of belief systems among which we would find Hinduism, Buddhism, and Animism. Most scholars having studied them regarded the aspect of Malay traditional belief systems as syncretism. This trait of the belief systems in Malaysia is revealed well in the sphere specifically as the rite of passage, to which I do rather prefer the rite of "life" from the sense of emphasizing the rituals varied by the cycle of life time. Under the perspective this paper examines the real phases of the rite of passage, or life of Malays. I will argue here the fact that in performing the rite of passage, Malays mobilize various arts on the basis of the syncretic faith accepting the supernatural, or keramat, with almighty power. Therefore, from the study of the rite of passage we can exactly scrutinize how Malays have altered and adjusted their belief systems in real world.

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The Shwedagon in Sumatra: Transnational Buddhist Networks in Contemporary Myanmar and Indonesia

  • Aung-Thwin, Maitrii
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제4권2호
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    • pp.1-16
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    • 2012
  • In 2010, nearly thirteen hundred Buddhist monks from all over the world converged on to the small Indonesian resort town of Berastagi to celebrate the inauguration of the Taman AlamLumbini, a replica of Myanmar's most iconic Theravada Buddhist temple, the ShwedagonPaya. Nestled on Christian lands within a predominantly Muslim country, the building of the Taman AlamLumbini marked several years of negotiation amongst various religious communities, local government mediators, and patrons. This study makes a preliminary assessment of the ways in which cultural and historical discourses were used by participants to evoke a sense of transnational connectedness outside the realm of formal bilateral diplomacy. Through particular Buddhist ceremonies, rituals, and imagery, Myanmar sponsors and Indonesian patrons promoted a sense of broad pan-Asianism that linked monks, state officials, and local lay practitioners into a single community. A brief examination of the key speeches during the opening ceremony reveals that national interest and identity were still very much in play.

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경주 지역 지석묘 문화의 특징과 종말기의 양상 (The Characteristics of Dolmen Culture and Related Patterns during the End Phase in the Gyeongju Region)

  • 이수홍
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제53권4호
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    • pp.216-233
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    • 2020
  • 경주 지역 청동기시대 무덤 문화를 검토하고 지석묘의 종말기 양상을 살펴보았다. 청동기시대 무덤 유적 18곳, 초기 철기시대 이른 시기 즉 종말기의 무덤 유적 9곳을 분석하였다. 경주는 검단리 문화 분포권에 포함된다. 현재까지 경주 지역에서 청동기시대 무덤은 약 120기 조사되었다. 주거지의 수에 비해 무덤의 수가 부족한 편인데, 검단리 문화권의 일반적인 특징이다. 무덤의 수는 부족해도 매장주제부의 구조는 다양하다. 경주 지역 청동기시대 무덤의 특징은 토광묘와 묘역식지석묘·적석제단이 다른 지역에 비·해 많이 축조된다는 점이다. 토광묘는 동산리유적 부장품인 방추차를 통해서 볼 때 북한 동북 지역의 영향을 받았을 가능성이 높다. 묘역식지석묘와 적석제단은 송국리 문화권에 주로 분포하는데, 특이하게도 검단리 문화권인 경주 지역에서 많이 확인된다. 초기철기시대가 되어도 청동기시대의 영향이 이어진 묘역식지석묘와 적석제단이 계속 축조된다. 새롭게 이주한 점토대토기 문화인들은 목관묘를 축조하였다. 초기철기시대가 되면 새로운 고소의례가 등장하는데 국읍(國邑)에서 주재하는 천신제사(天神祭祀)의 장소일 가능성이 있다. 화천리 산251-1유적과 죽동리유적은 고소의례의 양상을 잘 보여주는 유적이다. 이러한 고소의례에도 묘역식 지석묘와 동일한 형태의 적석제단이 축조되고 지석묘의 상석과 유사한 바윗돌이 이용되었다. 초기철기시대에도 청동기 시대 전통을 유지한 묘역식지석묘와 적석제단이 계속 축조, 이용되는 것은 새로운 시대가 되었어도 지석묘가 가진 권위가 계속 유지되었기 때문이다. 청동기시대로 알려진 묘역식지석묘나 적석제단 일부에서는 초기철기시대까지 의례 행위가 지속되었을 것이다. 기원전 2세기 후반이 되면 목관묘가 군집하기 시작한다. 철기 문화가 확산하고, 중국 중원의 유물이 유입되는 등 경주 지역을 비롯한 남부 지역이 동아시아 네트워크에 포함되는 시점이다. 이때 지석묘 문화는 역사 속으로 사라지고 새로운 시대가 시작되는 것이다.

동곡재사(東谷齋舍)의 공간구성에 관한 연구(硏究) (A Study on the Space Composition of Dong-gok Jaesa)

  • 유인호;하헌정
    • 한국산업융합학회 논문집
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    • 제12권3호
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    • pp.121-128
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    • 2009
  • This study is for getting sacrificial service, discussing process of sacrificial rituals and understanding the composition of space in Dong-gok Jaesa. For these things, we're arranged for exact blueprint through actual survey and analyzed the architectural features. Dong-gok Jaesa has features which show centripetal space organization with strong closing sparsely. This is intended for sincerity during ritual which is processed without obstruction. This is a mixed form which is unified both straight dwelling and Jung Dang Hyeop Sil type. And this is for all functions which is necessary for Jaesa architecture in only one building. And this is used with organizing technique for space utility with connection of compartments and various enlargement and partition. Through these things, even though it is not a big Jaesa, it shows that this is Korea traditional composition of space technique according to several purposes.

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야쿠트의 종교혼합 현상에 대한 고찰: '아르치 지에테'(Archie Jiete)의 건립을 중심으로 (Religious Syncretism in Yakutia: A Case of the Building 'Archie Jiete')

  • 김중순
    • 비교문화연구
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    • 제25권
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    • pp.131-158
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    • 2011
  • In the Sakha(Yakutia) Republic, culture and politics continue to be interwined. Shamanism recently has come out of hiding after Soviet repression, and into fashion. Images of the shaman are changing in villages, where traditional healers have maintained their practices in difficult conditions, and in cities, where a resurgence of spirit belief and healing has led to the revitalization of their nationalism. Shamans and folk healers manipulate their own images, and in turn are changed by the upheavals of politicized cultural revitalization. In this complex and interactive context, folklore about traditional shamans has become especially rich and accessible. I argue here that religion has become an idiom through which competing definitions of homeland and national pride are being shaped. Until September 2002, Yakutsk had never had a 'temple' devoted to the practice of traditional shamanic beliefs. Indeed the whole concept that a building 'Archie Jiete' could contain or represent the beliefs, values and rituals of the Sakha people was new, and highly controversial.

일본의 가정에서 모시는 신 연구 - 시즈오카현 우쓰노야 마을을 중심으로 - (A study of the gods worshiped in the Japanese homes of Utsunoya Village in Shizuoka)

  • 김덕묵
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제54권4호
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    • pp.212-231
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    • 2021
  • 본 연구는 우쓰노야(宇津ノ谷) 마을의 가정에서 모셔지는 신의 유형과 모셔지는 공간, 의례와 제물, 의례 때의 장식물, 그리고 주민들의 신앙관과 변화상을 검토하였다. 또한 도심에서 떨어진 촌락인 우쓰노야 마을과 달리 시즈오카 도심의 주택에서 모시는 신을 비교해봄으로써 동시대 두 공간에서 모셔지는 신의 차이점 및 변화에 대해 살펴보았다. 오늘날 우쓰노야 가정에서 모셔지는 신은 아마테라스오카미(天照御大神), 조상, 에비스신·다이코쿠신(えびす·大黒), 코우진(荒神), 가와야가미(厠神), 지신(地神), 이나리신(稲荷), 수신 등이며 섣달 그믐에서 정초 3일간, 정월 보름, 오봉, 10월 마을 신사에서 마쓰리가 있을 때, 10월 19일과 20일 에비스신을 위한 날 등에 신격의 성격에 맞추어 제물을 올리고 의례를 행한다. 일본인의 가신 신앙은 다신적 성격을 띠며 가미다나(神棚)를 통한 국민적 정체성, 부쓰단(仏壇)과 연계된 조상 숭배를 통해 가족적 정체성을 유지하는 장치로서 가정 생활의 거점인 주택을 배경으로 확고하게 자리 잡고 있다. 일본인의 주택은 '신과 함께' 공존하는 종교적 공간으로서의 성격이 짙고 주민들은 신과 함께 거하는 문화적 전통을 가지고 있다.