The purpose of this study is to consider the appearance of the global generation transnational identity and forming process, existence aspect, functional role, and on the actuating mechanism, and etc. The results about the transnational identity of Diaspora and diversity are as follows. First, as to the transnational identity, the emigrants had been being determined by the relation with the accreditation and how type had been deal with one's decision about the self-identify. Second, the individual experience of the emigrant, interaction, and unstable status political support etc. various factors were combined and the diversity of the Diaspora identity showed. Third, the identity concept had been performing the function in the more expanded meaning called the nation and nation through the continuous meaning expansion than the individual as the national ideology. Fourth, the transnational identity of Korean-Chinese was specialized into the nation identity, double identity, and 'the identity of the third' etc. Fifth, the transnational identity of the Nikkei-Brazilian appeared for Japanese identity, Brazilian identity, and Nikkeijin identity etc. in Japan. In conclusion, the Transnational identity of the Diaspora is reproducing the identity of the emigrant, it suggests through the differentiation in the settlement and exclusion.
In the first half of 2016, Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo continued his efforts to secure support from major political parties, often benefiting from internal party conflicts. During the tense campaign for the 2017 Jakarta gubernational election, however, blasphemy charges against incumbent "Ahok", an ethnic Chinese and Christian, put Jokowi in trouble. Led by radical Islamic organizations such as Front Pembela Islam (FPI), half a million people filled Jakarta's streets, calling for Ahok's arrest. The resurgence of identity politics questioned the boundaries of the Indonesian nation and its core premises on the relationship between religion and the state. In the realm of foreign policies, the Jokowi administration maintained its tougher stance against illegal fishing in its waters. In spite of Indonesia's clashes with Chinese vessels in the Natuna sea, however, it is unlikely that the tension will escalate uncontrollably, as the Jokowi administration is seeking investment from rich neighbors for building infrastructure, which will be his key legacy for the 2019 presidential election.
Place marketing strategy is an research or policy field of cultural politics on which various meanings, discourses and practices are deployed, contested and negotiated surrounding the development or destruction of urban cultures. So it is needed to correct and concrete understanding about the cultural significations of place marketing strategy. In that sense, this study aims to establish the concept and methodology of place marketing strategy as urban culture development strategy. At first, the theory of cultural politics of space and cultural political approach to the place marketing strategy are reviewed. And then, basic concept of place marketing strategy and the process of place marketing strategy are established. Finally, with drawing the cultual political factors(named SAUNE factors), the methodology of place marketing strategy is systematized.
Over the last three decades, the field of American Studies has increasingly paid attention to transnational approaches in an effort to diversify and expand the field's concerns beyond the narrow sense of the nation-state in today's globalizing world. Yet, the mediation of the transnational requires a careful analysis of the nation that is still in transit. In this context, this essay examines Herman Melville's novel Moby-Dick (1851) as a case study that vividly shows how reading American literature and culture through transnationalism not only offers new interpretations of canonical texts, but also helps us to better understand the historical roots and cultural contexts of contemporary issues such as global labor and migration, US citizenship and racial justice. To address the complexity of the text's circulation and reproduction, coupled with US national ideology and cultural conditions, I first turn to the canonization of Melville's Moby-Dick during the Cold War era as a national project and then explore the possibilities of transnational readings by focusing on the politics of race and global capitalism in the nineteenth century whaling industry. In doing so, I argue that critical transnationalism allows readers to keep questioning about their own understanding of race, nation, and cultural identity while remaining attentive to the destructive force of US imperialism and global capitalism in the twenty-first century.
The crisis of moral-ethical school subject is related to the scientific identity of moral education in Korean society. Because it's identity hasn't been established yet exactly. At past time 'National Ethics' included not only moral education, but also anti-Communist education and education of political ideology or propaganda. The scientific foundation of ethical education is on ethics, and it is a branch of philosophy. But to escape this fact, some scholars relating with ethical education claimed to need 'interdisciplinary approach' to ethical subject. As a result, they allowed other department to give their certificates. Futhermore it is at a crisis to be integrated into social subject. Philosophy as scientific origin of ethics has already not interdisciplinary character but the idea of integrated science. So there is no necessity for finding another scientific foundation. Now following the original goal of ethical education, they try to train the ability of moral judgement to solve various moral problems rationally, and to cultivate moral disposition that can practice the ideal and principles of life.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.15
no.4
/
pp.478-493
/
2009
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the educational implications of global citizenship and regional identity in geographic education of multicultural society. Geographical education inquires into places and region on local, regional, national and global scales. Geography studies geographical representation of ethnical, cultural, political diversities of human societies. Therefore geography is a very proper subject for multicultural education. Geography has also inherent legitimacy on multicultural education in the viewpoints that space or region has valued inherent nature which is constructed by human experience, perception and response etc. Citizenship in multicultural education requests some abilities and attitudes of world citizens superior to state or nation oriented citizenship. However the education of world citizenship doesn't mean abandonment of regional identity in geographical education. Citizenship is based on geographical units which have their territories. Regional identity is the feeling of belonging as a member of a certain region, and is formed not only by race, ethnic, gender, political and social position but also by thought of nature, landscape, national identity, regional dialect, and historical context, etc. The regional identity in multicultural society means the homogeneity which includes the heterogeneity of diverse groups, and has a key which solves the conflicts of diverse groups in the region. Consequently multicultural education in geography would focus on the cultivation of regional identities which are founded on critical thinking to solve the conflicts of multicultural society. The geographic education in multicultural society would rather emphasize on region than on race or nation, and can integrate the global vision of world citizenship with the diverse viewpoint of multicultural education.
This paper asks whether the Republic of Korea (ROK) Navy should continue to focus on building ocean-going naval ships when it faces the threats of North Korean provocations in littoral areas. My position is that the ROK Navy should keep pursuing ocean-going capabilities. I provide explanations why it should do so from the perspectives of three important dimensions: capability, doctrine, and organizational identity. First, I argue that the distinction between a littoral navy and an ocean-going navy is an unnecessary dichotomy. It may lead to inefficiency in national security. The military posture should be designed in a way that it can address all external threats to national security regardless of whether they are from North Korea or not. Such capability is the one that the ROK Navy has tried to acquire with the 'Blue Water Navy' initiative since the 1990s. Second, also from the perspective of lately developed military doctrines that emphasize jointness and precision strike capability, ocean-going capabilities such as the mobile task fleet program have become a must, not an option, given today's security situations on and around the Korean peninsula. Lastly, I draw attention to the fact that the 'Blue Water Navy (BWN)' initiative meant more than just capability to the ROK navy. The BWN represents the ROK navy's organizational identity that the navy has defined since the 1980s as it emphasized promoting national interest and international standing as part of its organizational essence. Furthermore, the phrase 'blue water navy' took on symbolic meanings to the people that are associated with South Korean-ness including sovereignty, national pride, standing in the world and hopes for the future. Since 1990s, many scholars and experts have made the case for the necessity of improving South Korea's naval capability based on different rationales. They emphasized the protection of Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs), the economic value of the sea, the potential danger associated with territorial disputes over islands, and increasing naval power of neighboring countries since the end of the Cold War. This paper adds to this debate by trying to explain the matter with different factors including naval doctrines and organizational identity. Particularly, this paper constitutes a unique endeavor in that it incorporating constructivist elements (that is, identity politics) in explaining a national security matter.
The decade of the 1960s in Korea is normally regarded as a transitional period, but this transition has been consistently viewed in either economic or political terms. In this paper I examine the 1960s and the 1970s as a period of cultural transition―from a neo-Confucian emphasis on "high" art to a broader, more inclusive acceptance of "popular" forms of cultural expression. Although these two realms of cultural production are often viewed as fundamentally antithetical, I argue that there is actually significant continuity in terms of both artistic expression and cultural engagement. In particular, I look at the trajectories of Korean national literature and cinema and their areas of confluence. I examine the career of Kim $S{\breve{u}ng-ok$, who in the 1960s was the preeminent literary voice of a new generation and who in the 1970s was the screenwriter for some of the most popular films of that era, and I show how Kim's career changes track parallel changes in both literature and cinema. Artistically, Kim continued his literary expressions of a new sensibility in his screenplays, bringing to cinema a new infusion of seriousness and respectability. Culturally, Kim continued his explorations of the ways in which rapid changes in Korean politics and the booming economy led to miscommunication and chaos in society. By consistently exploring processes of national identity formation and re-formation, Kim's 1960s literature can be seen as crucial instances of Korean national literature (minjok munhak). In the same manner, Kim's 1970s screenplays can be seen as foundational moments in a Korean national cinema.
Today in modern Korea, the preferred modern social role for many modern women is that of modern housewife. This move to the role of housewife is a change in more than just a role; it also reflects a deep and fundamental change that has taken place in the social and economic roles of married women. This shift in economic activities and the gender roles they help produce speaks of a deep and profound process of transformation for all of Korea. Traditionally, a woman was a member of a family premised upon group production as well as group consumption. The role of jubu is derived almost exclusively from market forces and bases her identity and actions upon those forces. This distinction is crucial because it means Korean women are finding that they are no longer as central to the existence of the family. Modern life situations have altered a womans role by making consumption, not production by the woman herself, the keystone of modern families.
This article is aimed at understanding the political narratives represented in the National Museum of Indonesia. Starting initially as a colonial museum, the National Museum of Indonesia functioned as a useful tool for the Dutch colonial force to fuel its imaginations of the colonial territory and the people within it. The Dutch used the cultural display to advertize its benevolent colonial rule. All the while, the museum also inevitably reflected orientalism on the people and the culture of the colony. The republic of Indonesia inherited the colonial museum's practices and its display patterns. The business surrounding the museum also played a key role in the newly-born nation-state laying out a future for its redefined territory and people. Thus, what the colonial force imagined for the colonial territory through the study of museum displays was rather directly transferred to the republic without serious consideration of the decolonization process. Four main characteristics have been seen in the museum displays. The first is an emphasis on the glorious Hindu-Buddha history, from which numerous temples, statues, and jewelry have been found. Secondly, the Islamic period, which spanned between the Hindu-Buddha times to the colonial era, has almost completely been eliminated from the display. Third, the colonial era has been depicted as the time of Europe's exportation of scientific tools and adaption of sophisticated living patterns. Fourth, the images of ethnic groups were represented as being stagnant without reflecting any challenges and responses that these groups had faced throughout history. Looking at these display patterns, it can be concluded that all the dynamic internal developments and anti-colonial resistance that took place during the Islamic and Colonial Era have simply not been represented in the museum display. These display patterns do not reflect the real history or culture of the archipelago. Two considerations are thought to have influenced the neglecting of social realities in the display. The first of which is the Dutch's and Republic's apprehension over the possible political upheaval by the Islamic forces. Yet, more fundamentally, cultural displays themselves are distinct from historical education in that the former pays more attention to business ideas with an aim to attract tourists rather than to project objective historical knowledge. Thus, in cultural displays, objects which work to stimulate fantasies and spur curiosity on archipelagic culture tend to be selected and emphasized. In this process, historical objectivity is sometimes considered less vital. Cultural displays are set up to create more appealing narratives for viewers. Therefore, if a narrative loses its luster, it will be replaced by another flashy and newly-resurrected memory. This fact reveals that museums, as transmitters of historical knowledge, have a certain degree of limitation in playing their role.
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