• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.5-26
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• 2013

The South Korean society has experienced many changes since the sinking of ROKS Cheonan. The government reviewed its defense posture and adopted the 5·24 Measure in its relations with North Korea. As a result, the people of South Korea became more conscious of security situations on the Korean peninsula while North Korea's economy suffered badly. Meanwhile, the South Korean government has taken a flexible stance toward North Korea in terms of exchange and cooperation since September 2011. The flexible stance was to manage inter-Korea relations in a stable manner and relieve the hardships of the North Korean people while preserving the spirits and purposes of the 5·24 Measure. The UN Security Council adopted twenty-six resolutions and statements on North Korea since June 25, 1950. They include thirteen U.N. Security Council resolutions including those concerning nuclear weapons or missile programs, nine Presidential statements, and four press statements. Resolution 82, the first U.N. resolution on North Korea, came when the Korean War broke out. Resolution 825, the first one related to nuclear or missile programs, was adopted in response to North Korea's withdrawal from the NPT. Apart from these U.N. resolutions, the United States has imposed separate sanctions against North Korea. North Korea's nuclear weapons program can be considered in comparison with that of Iran in terms of the consequences they create for the regional security. The Security Council has adopted six resolutions on Iran so far. One should note that the resolutions on Iran have had much stronger sanctions compared to those imposed on North Korea. That is, while the North Korea case may be viewed as a more serious threat to international security from the perspective of nuclear weapons development or proliferation, tougher sanctions have been placed on Iran. There are two approaches that South Korea should take in addressing the related issues. First, we should aim to reduce the gap between sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. It is difficult to understand that a country with more serious problems is rewarded with lighter sanctions. We should take measures through the Security Council Sanctions Committee to make individuals and groups in North Korea that play a central role in developing nuclear weapons and missiles subject to additional sanctions. Second, we have to change. Other countries in the international community have become tired of North Korea's nuclear issue and now they look to South Korea for initiative. We should correctly understand this current situation and play a leading role within our capacity. Knowingly and unknowingly, the notion that the North Korean nuclear issue may be left to South Korea has been spread around the international community. Although the situation is grave, we should try to open a new horizon in ushering in the unification era by taking the initiative with confidence that there is a looming hope ahead of us. For these tasks, we should stop thinking in the old way that has been ossified for the last two decades. We should not be pushed around by neighboring great powers in dealing with North Korea related issues anymore; we should take the initiative with resolution that we will play our role at the center of four great powers and with confidence that we can do it. Based on the confidence that the Republic of Korea has become a country with enough capacity to take the initiative, we should establish a 'National Grand Strategy' representing South Korea's strategic vision that the unification is the ultimate solution to the problems related to North Korea's nuclear weapons program.

• 해양안보
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

본 연구는 현실주의의 대표적 이론인 세력균형이론을 기초로 군사력을 국가의 핵심 힘으로 전제하여 동북아시아의 힘의 분포를 살펴본다. 이전 세력균형과 군사력 수준에 관한 연구결과를 고찰하고, 그 연구한 결과를 활용하여 2020년까지 미국, 중국, 러시아, 일본, 한국과 북한의 힘의 변화를 분석하여 2030년경 안보환경을 전망하여 본다. 세력균형이론에서 국가(nation)나 국가군(a group of power) 간에 힘의 균형이 무너지면 전쟁 가능성이 높고, 그 불확실성과 불신이 높은 국제사회에서 생존과 안전을 확보하기 위하여 국가는 힘의 증강(자조, self-help)과 더불어 협력(cooperation)과 동맹(alliance)을 더욱 강화하는 행동을 한다고 본다. 동북아시아의 국가들도 자국의 군사력을 지속 증강하고 있으며, 특히 중국의 급속한 부상으로 국제 안보환경의 급격한 변화에 주변 국가들은 촉각을 세우고 경계심을 늦추지 않고 있다. 중국은 2030년대 중국 창군 100주년과 더불어 '국방 및 군현대화'를 실현하고, 2050년대 건국 100주년에 '세계일류군대건설'을 목표로 하고 있다. 그리고 미국은 국제사회의 협력과 동맹 강화 등 중국 견제에 분주하다. 미국과 중국이 패권경쟁이 진행되고 있는 상황에서 동북아시아의 안보환경과 힘의 역학관계도 서서히 변하고 있다. 세력균형이론에 기초하여 2030년 이후 동북아시아의 힘의 분포 변화와 함의를 살펴보고자 한다.

• Mycobiology
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.14-20
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• 2016

A new species and 2 new records of lichen genus Buellia were discovered from Chuja-do Island in Jeju Province during a recent floristic survey: B. chujana X. Y. Wang, S. Y. Kondr., L. $L\ddot{o}k\ddot{o}s$ & J.-S. Hur sp. nov., B. halonia (Ach.) Tuck., and B. mamillana (Tuck.) W. A. Weber. The new species is characterized by a brown, areolate thallus, the presence of perlatolic acid, and a saxicolous habitat. Together with previously recorded species, 10 Buellia species were confirmed from Jeju-do Island. Among these species, 3 growing in the exposed rocky area contained xanthone (yellowish lichen thallus, UV + orange), indicating that production of xanthone in this genus might be a defense strategy against the harm of UV light. Although the genus Buellia has been thoroughly studied in Korea before, novel species have been discovered continuously, and large species diversity has been found in this crustose genus, even from a small rocky island. This study indicates that the coastal area harbors a vast number of crustose lichen species, and there is great potential to discover unknown lichens in the coastal rocky area in Korea.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권2호
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• pp.121-163
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• 2004

Science technique development expanded into, not only land, sea, and air operations but also those of airspace, and cyber battle spaces. It is generally accepted at this time that space centric operations currently cannot be effectively divided from air operations. However, science and technology advancements make it possible to integrate Army, Navy, Airforce, and Marine forces into effective operations as never before. The Republic of Korea Armed Forces needs to establish a more effective joint concept. The US military, considered by many experts as the most effective in the world, understands the necessity of joint operations and accordingly has highly developed its own concept of joint operations. The US joint operational concepts demonstrated their effectiveness during the Iraqi War by dominating the battlefield through effective use of all combat and non-combat power. Following the US Iraqi War experience, the US Department of Defense continued to enhance Joint Capability through the acceleration of US Military Transformation involving all components. The future national security of the Republic of Korea, faced with the peculiarity of communist threat in the form of North Korea, and the conflicting interest of four strong powers; the United States, China, Japan, and Russia, depends on small but strong armed forces employing all available combat power through effective National and Military Strategy, and considering domestic and international constraints. In order to succeed in future wars, military operations following joint operational concepts must effectively employ all available combat power in a timely manner. The Republic of Korea Armed Forces must establish a joint forces concept in order to integrate all available combat power during employment. Therefore we must establish military operations that develop the military structure and organization, doctrine, weapon systems, training and education of our armed forces based on the key concept of joint operations.

• 생태와환경
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.107-114
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• 2009

Daphnia pulex와 D. galeata에 대한 실잠자리류 유충의 포식 특성과 이들이 포식자로서 분비하는 화학물질에 의해 유도되는 두 종의 물벼룩의 생활사 및 형태적 방어 반응을 어류 포식자인 배스에 대해 나타내는 반응과 비교분석 하였다. 실잠자리류의 유충은 낮과 밤에 관계없이 섭식활동을 하며 상대적으로 작은 크기의 물벼룩을 주로 포식하였고, 소형의 D. galeata에 대한 포식율이 높았다. D. pulex는 실잠자리류 유충과 배스가 분비한 카이로몬에 대하여 생활사 및 형태적 변화를 나타내었다. D. galeata는 실잠자리류 유충에 상대적으로 높은 포식압에도 불구하고 배스의 카이로몬에 대한 반응만을 나타냈다. 본 실험의 결과는 다양한 포식자에 대응하는 생존전략이 물벼룩 종에 따라 다를 수 있음을 보여주었다.

• 해양안보
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.113-136
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• 2022

본 논문은 중국의 서해 내해화 전략을 분석하여 해양에 종사하거나, 해양 정책을 연구하는 이들에게 시사점을 제공하기 위해 작성하였다. 이를 위해 최근 서해에서 이루어지고 있는 중국의 해상활동을 아더 라이케가 제시한 전략 구성요소인 목표(Ends), 방법(Ways) 및 수단(Means)의 세 가지 기준으로 분석하였다. 연구 결과, 중국은 서해 내해화라는 목표를 달성하기 위해 국가 차원에서 제 요소를 복합적으로 활용한다는 결과를 도출할 수 있었다. 중국은 ① 정전 상태에 있는 한반도의 특수한 안보 환경을 이용하여 북방한계선(NLL, Northern Limit Line) 인근에서 자국 어선들의 불법조업을 의도적으로 방조하여 서해를 영해로 기정사실화하며, ② 자국의 국가안보에 대한 위협을 이유로 서해상 한･미 연합훈련을 거부하는 한편, 동 해역 내 군사훈련을 확대하고 군용기를 한국방공식별구역 인근으로 상시 진입하게 하여 군사적 능력을 과시하고, ③ 과학탐구를 빙자하여 서해에 각종 시설을 확대 설치하고 있다. 필자가 본 연구를 통해 강조하고 싶은 것은 '서해에서 자행되는 일부 중국의 활동은 한국의 주권을 심각하게 침해하는 행위이며, 한국은 서해에서 국민의 자유로운 해양 활동과 안전을 보장하기 위해 한미 연합전력 중심의 비례적 대응을 해야 한다는 것'이다.

• 해양안보
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.31-60
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• 2023

본 논문은 북한의 SLBM 탑재 신형 잠수함과 핵 무인 수중 공격정 '해일'에 효과적으로 대응하기 위해 자항 기뢰와 초공동 어뢰를 결합한 융복합 무기체계를 제안하고, 그 효과성을 분석하였다. 자항 기뢰와 초공동 어뢰의 융복합 무기체계는 자항 기뢰의 은밀 매복 및 탐지 능력과 초공동 어뢰의 초고속 주행 능력을 결합하여, 각 무기체계의 장점을 극대화하고 단점을 상호 보완한다. 이 무기체계의 효과성을 분석하기 위해 국방전력발전업무훈령의 소요제기서 작성 기준을 참고하여 수중 유도무기의 작전 운용에 요구되는 성능에 적합하게 분석 기준을 선정하고, 기존 무기체계 대비 효과성을 수중 방어 지속성, 전투력 운용 융통성, 생존성, 지휘/통제, 운영 비용 효율성, 기상 영향 요인 등 6가지 측면에서 분석하였다. 또한, 시나리오 구상을 통해 이 무기체계의 실용성을 입증하였다. 자항 기뢰와 초공동 어뢰의 융복합 무기체계가 현실화 된다면 미래의 수중환경에서 한국의 안보에 매우 중요한 역할을 할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

• Biomolecules & Therapeutics
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• 제28권5호
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• pp.437-442
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• 2020

Activation of the NLRP3 inflammasome is critical for host defense as well as the progression of inflammatory diseases through the production of the proinflammatory cytokine IL-1β, which is cleaved by active caspase-1. It has been reported that overactivation of the NLRP3 inflammasome contributes to the development and pathology of acne vulgaris. Therefore, inhibiting activation of the NLRP3 inflammasome may provide a new therapeutic strategy for acne vulgaris. In this study, we investigated whether auranofin, an anti-rheumatoid arthritis agent, inhibited NLRP3 inflammasome activation, thereby effectively treating acne vulgaris. Auranofin suppressed NLRP3 inflammasome activation induced by Propionibacterium acnes, reducing the production of IL-1β in primary mouse macrophages and human sebocytes. In a P. acnes-induced acne mouse model, injection of P. acnes into the ears of mice induced acne symptoms such as redness, swelling, and neutrophil infiltration. Topical application of auranofin (0.5 or 1%) to mouse ears significantly reduced the inflammatory symptoms of acne vulgaris induced by P. acnes injection. Topical application of auranofin led to the downregulation of the NLRP3 inflammasome activated by P. acnes in mouse ear skin. These results show that auranofin inhibits the NLRP3 inflammasome, the activation of which is associated with acne symptoms. The results further suggest that topical application of auranofin could be a new therapeutic strategy for treating acne vulgaris by targeting the NLRP3 inflammasome.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.27-56
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• 2013

The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.

• 한국초등과학교육학회지:초등과학교육
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• 제32권1호
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• pp.104-112
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• 2013

We examined the strategies to stimulate the reflective thinking using science notebook for the improvement of problem solving ability which is one of the core skills for the future. The strategies we derived have four steps which are input, output, solving mission and reflection as my own mirror. We applied the strategies to the 6th grade class for autumn semester in order to examine the students learning process and the result. We could observe that students looked into their own learning and had a time to look back their activities in the class. We could also confirmed that science notebook would be effective to improve the problem solving as stimulating the reflective thinking. In addition, we could specify the strategy of using science notebook in the class. At a 'input' stage, students should be able to choose their own learning style as their preference and teacher need to give them proper feedback. Interaction with peers should be emphasized during the activities as 'question attack' and 'question defense' in 'output' stage and 'solving mission' stage. You should suggest the students various method to record their thought from looking back their classroom activities instead of mere writing. We also examine the students achievement from the students' notebook and Meta Cognitive Awareness test. As a result, students who had studied using science notebook showed statistically meaningful higher achievement than controlled students.