• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.170-181
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• 2011

This Research will explore the meaning indicated in the landscape meaning and feature of literary group culture, focusing in Gurujeong(九老亭: pavilion for nine elders) and Samgaeseokmun(三溪石門: stone gate in three valleys) located in Dundeok-myun, Imshil-gun, and will seek to understand the implications by studying the cultural landscape spread out in the area. The place where Gurojeong and Samgaeseokmun is located is the meeting point of the three valleys, Dunnam stream, Osu stream, and Yul stream, which is the main location to view the beautiful scenery, which has the nickname as the dwelling place of a celestial being. Especially, based on the description of old maps, "Samgae(three valleys)" and "Samgaeseokmun" possesses significance as a landmark and shows a characteristic feature of landscape structures of low hills. Dangugurohwe(丹丘九老會: nine elders gathering on the dwelling of a celestial being) originated from Hyangsangurohwe(香山九老會: gathering of nine elders on a fragrant mountain), where Baekgeoi(白居易) of China was one of the main people. This group was organized by nine elders over the age of 60 desiring to view the scenery of Doyeonmyeong. The group enhanced the literary spirit on the low hill, erecting a tower, and enjoying the beautiful scenery changing every season with scholars from the same region. This phenomenon seems to have been formed upon the positive response to gatherings of elders, which were prevalent in the Joseon Dynasty. If the internal idea pursued by the group was "longevity," the external idea pursued can be summarized as "the spirit the respect for the elders." Naming the groups as 'Dangudae(place where the celestial being lives), Guseondong(valley of seeking a celestial life), Bangjangsan(mountain of a high priest), and Daecheondae(place of communicating with God) was likely a device to introspect oneself and symbolize one's life process. Furthermore, the reason Samgaeseokmun, which is an imitation of Choi, Chiwon's work, was built near Soyocheo, was probably to yearn the celestial land and based on the desire to follow Choi, Chiwon, who was the most self-fulfilling being presumed to have become a celestial being by practicing the pursuit of freedom, escaping from the reality. After tracing the symbolizing meaning of the four letters carved in the left side of the stone wall of Dangudae, the conclusion that this place was not only a place for literary gatherings of the nine elders of Saseong(four families), but was a place where the celestial being dwelled could be inferred. Corresponding with Dangudae and Gurojeong, which are places where the order of human and nature is harmonized and where its meaning associated with the location intensifies, arouses strong bond, can be said to be the symbol of the traces of celestial beings where the spirits of attachment to a certain place is embedded. The acts performed in Dangugurohwe were those of traditional leisure including strolling, viewing the scenery, drinking, composing poems, and playing instruments, and sometimes listening to stories, tea ceremony, prayers, and fishing were added, which indicates that the gathering had a strong tendency towards pastoral and hermit life.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.93-123
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• 2017

The Buddhist dance, which is considered to be the essence of Korean folk dance, has changed and developed over many years, having profound influential relations with Buddhism in terms of its origin, source, title, and costumes. Today the Buddhist dance is performed in two fixed types, Jangsam dance and Buk dance, but it is estimated that there must have been various forms of Buddhist dance during the Japanese rule based on the its historicity and various origination theories. It was around 1940 that Jang Yang-seon, the master of Haejugwonbeon, turned 'Seungininsangmu' into a work through Yang So-woon. The present study analyzed the video of 'Seungininsangmu' performed at the 'Performance in the Memory of Yang So-woon' in 2010, and the analysis results were as follows: first, the dance has a clear message to be delivered in its title and connotes an origination theory of Buddhist dance, which argues that the Buddhist dance was created by a Buddhist that underwent agony and corruption during his ascetic practice and later returned to Buddhism. Secondly, the process of Jangsam dance - Buknori - Bara dance - Heoteun dance - Hoisimgok - Guiui shows the thematic consciousness of the dance clearly in a sequential manner. Finally, the dance was in a form of combining various expressive methods according to the story and its development including the Bara dance, a dance performed in a Buddhist ceremony, the Heoteun dance, which is strongly characterized by individuality and spontaneity that are folk features, and Hoisimgok, the Buddhist music. Those findings indicate that the dance reflected well the flow of putting the Buddhist dance on the stage or turning it into a work in the early 20th century. Compared with the types of Buddhist dance in a strong form including the Jangsam dance and Buk dance, 'Seungininsangmu' conveys the meanings that the original Buddhist dance tried to express in terms of content and reflects on the diversity of combined Akgamu and theatrical elements in terms of form. The present study is significant in that it offers many implications for the Buddhist dance capable of future-oriented development.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.102-118
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• 2022

Gyeongju, the capital of Silla, is the very essence of the culture and technology of the thousand-year-reign of Silla. However, few studies have been conducted on the landscape sites of the capital of Silla other than Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, due to the lack of related data. Therefore, this study examined the construction characteristics and nature of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, whose complete appearance was identified through excavation following Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond. Since the excavation of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, Gyeongju, there have been disagreements in academia as to whether it is a palace pond or a temple pond of Bunhwangsa Temple. Considering the unique characteristic of the garden pond that it is divided into two periods, it was interpreted that it would have functioned as a ritual facility related to Ryong (oriental dragon) belief in the 6th to 7th centuries, the first period, and as a garden pond with enhanced landscaping functions in the 8th to 9th centuries, the second period. In addition, it is highly probable that it was the site of Cheongyeongung Palace (青淵宮) and Jochujeong Pavilion (造秋亭) mentioned in the literature records. The "ㄹ"- shaped waterway, a characteristic facility of the first period, was found; however, considering its width and depth, it is insufficient to conclude that it was a simple drainage facility. Rather, it is more likely that it functioned as a passageway for the conceptual entry of Ryong during Ryong rituals. Furthermore, some have suggested that it may have been a ceremony-related Yusang-goksu (流觴曲水) facility. These facilities related to Ryong rituals were reorganized in the second period. Specifically, the nature of the garden pond was changed centered on the landscaping function in connection with the addition of a curved revetment, garden stone, and pavilion buildings, and the dismantlement of the "ㄹ"-shaped waterway and hexagonal building. As for nature, it can be regarded as a royal facility in terms of decorative elements including the ritual function of the first period and the gwimyeonwa (ghost face tiles) of the second period. Judging from the fact that the upper part of the embankment adjacent to the west side of the site was removed, it is very apparent that the main building was located on the upper part of the embankment. There would not have been a large-scale building site because it served the functions of ritual and recreation, rather than being the residence of the king.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.257-284
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• 2020

Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2023

In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19^th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.368-382
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• 2012

This paper investigated the system that is relevant to Jang(fermented soybean paste or solution), the relief of hunger-stricken people by Jang, 33 kinds of Jang, and its consumption in the documents, such as the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seungjeongwon daily, Uigwe(record of national ceremony), official documents on the basis of Kyujanggak institute for the Korean studies and data base of Korean classics. There are lots of Jang named after the place of particular soybean's production from the ancient times. Jang, soybean, salt and Meju(source of Jang), during the Dynasty, were collected as taxation or tribute. In the 5th year of Hyeonjong(1664), the storage amount of soybean in Hojo(ministry of finance) was 16,200 $k{\ell}$, and its consumption was 7,694 $k{\ell}$ a year. In the 32nd year of Yongjo(1756), the 1,800 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was distributed to the people at the time of disaster, and in his 36th year(1756), the 15,426 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was reduced from the soybean taxation nationwide. The offices managing Jang are Naejashi, Saseonseo, Sadoshi, Yebinshi and Bongsangshi. Chongyoongcheong(Gyeonggi military headquarters) stored the 175.14 $k{\ell}$ of Jang, and the 198 $k{\ell}$ of Jang in Yebinshi. There are such posts managing Jang as Jangsaek, Jangdoo, and Saseonsikjang. In the year of Jeongjong(1777~1800), the royal family distributed the 3.6 $k{\ell}$ of Meju to Gasoon-court, Hygyeong-court, queen's mother-court, queen's court, royal palace. The 13.41 $k{\ell}$ of Gamjang(fermented soybean solution) was distributed to the Gasoon-court, 17.23 $k{\ell}$ to Hegyeong-court, 17.09 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's mother-court, and the 17.17 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's court each. There are 112 Jang-storing pots in the royal storages, and the 690 are in Namhan-hill, where the 2.7 $k{\ell}$ of fermented Jang was made and brought back by them each year. At the time of starvation, Jang relieved the starving people. There are 20 occasions of big reliefs, according to the annals of the Chosun Dynasty. In the 5th year of Sejong(1423), the 360 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was given to the hunger-stricken people. In his 6th year(1424), the 8,512.92 $k{\ell}$ of rice, bean, and Jang was provided and in the 28th year(1446), the 8,322.68 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was also provided to them. In the Dynasty, Jang was given as a salary. In case that when they were bereaved, they didn't eat Jang patiently for its preservation. They were awarded for their filial piety. In the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, there are 19 kinds of Jang. They are listed in the order of Jang(108), Yeomjang(90), Maljang(11), Yookjang(5), Gamjang(4), and etc.,. In Seungjeongwon daily, there are 11 kinds of Jang. Jang(6), Cheongjang (5), Maljang(5), and Tojang(3) are listed in order. In the Ihlseong-document, there are 5 kinds of Jang. They are listed in Jang(15), Maljang(2), Gamjang(2), and etc.,. There are 13 kinds of Jang in Uigwe, and the official documents, in the order of Gamjang(59), Ganjang(37), Jang(28), Yeomjang(7), Maljang(6), and Cheongjang(5). In addition, shi are Jeonshi(7), and Dooshi(4). All these are made of only soybean except, for Yookjang. The most-frequently recorded Jang among anthology, cookbook, the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seoungjeongwon daily, Uigwe, or official document is Jang(372), and then Yeomjang(194), Gamjang(73), Cheongjang(46), Ganjang(46), Soojang(33), and Maljang(26), which were made of soybean. Jang from China in cookbook is not in anthology and royal palace documents. Thus, traditional Jang made of soybean was used in the daily food life in the royal court, and in the public during the Chosun period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.43-59
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• 2008

Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.