• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.319-344
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• 2017

Saam Park Sun(1523-1589) holds a very important position in history of 16th century $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics. Starting from King Seonjo's accession in 1567, he took a lead in changing the former Politics by Hoonchuck(勳戚政治) to $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics. He served a prime minister alone for 14 years. Following philosophy of $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics that Jo Gwang-jo(趙光祖, 1482-1519) had advocated a generation earlier, he sought reformative politics by rising elites. He pursued ideal politics of $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ in which principles and public opinion agreed with each other and to realize it, he was in the forefront of correcting 'shìdào(世道)' and improving 'qīngyì(淸議).' It is why $d{\grave{a}}oxu{\acute{e}}$ politics is called shìdào politics(世道政治). He emphasized 'old manners(古禮)' as standard to criticize wrong reality and to realize ideals. The 'old' in his mind was ideals, principles and traditions. The most meaningful reform was to go back to spirit of 'old.' It is why he put stress on and stuck to practice of 'old manners' in national liturgy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.201-238
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• 2012

This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2012

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.25-42
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• 2011

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.43
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• pp.193-221
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• 2000

The conventional framework of welfare politics, based on class concepts, tends to fail in explaining the recent social changes. Theoretical response from the social science diverges into two blocs. One is the postmodernist approach that denies possibility of structural cleavage; the other is the alternative trial that seeks to find various kinds of cleavages. The former approach is to be rejected because there is few empirical supports for it. The latter is too sparse to be applied to the studies of welfare politics that requires a comprehensive analysis. This study starts from critical investigation of such approaches, aiming at providing a theoretical framework that combines merits of existing studies on welfare politics. The theoretical framework of three statuses of welfare rights and duties, which is to be presented as an alternative to the conventional class counterpart, does not only underscore the expansion of welfare rights but also the burden of welfare duties. Hence, it can comprehensively subsume complex existence of interest cleavages of welfare politics. To make a long story short, individual interest, related to the welfare state, will effect individual attitudes toward the welfare state and their ways of political support.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.37-68
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• 2007

Health insurance has gone far toward solving Korea's health related problems through thirty years. Health Insurance as social security system has a role of national system to secure national health. But there are many problems in health insurance. There is a dispute about many issues, coverage of health security, compulsory appointment of health insurance organization, coverage and level of health insurance benefit, decisionmaking right of health insurance price, examination of health insurance etc. Generally, the opinion for health insurance policy to be leaded by nation sets against the opinion to be leaded by private sector. It is necessary to study politics of law, constitute law and comparative law for rational solving these problems. If desirable setting of health law system can be made, legal system must be set during a long time and be discussed synthetically in different standpoint.