• Asia Marketing Journal
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.79-101
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• 2021

With the steady rise in global popularity of the Korean music group BTS, the South Korean government and surrounding industries have swiftly begun utilizing their image and international recognition for specific nation branding purposes. While K-pop soft power strategies are not novel to the South Korean state, what is new is the rapid speed at which BTS have become a beacon for South Korean culture, language, and symbolism in the international arena. However, few scholarly works have sought to investigate the role fans have played in this heightened position for the group as state representatives, with minimal research conducted into the work fans do within the framework of ARMY fan culture. This paper will thus aim to fill the gap in scholarship on ARMY as an organized labour network, focusing on the role fans play as labourers in online spaces that work to promote, disseminate, and cultivate wider recognition for BTS as artists. Through the conjunct engagement of a political economy framework and theories of participatory culture, this paper will explore the manner through which the free labour of ARMY, premised on affect, has constructed the fandom as active agents of soft power alongside BTS themselves.

• 수완나부미
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.89-103
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• 2015

Over the last decade, the field of Southeast Asian Studies has been inundated with issues of its "territory" (or the definition of what comprises Southeast Asia), relevance and future. The methodology of approaching Southeast Asian Studies has also come under constant scrutiny providing much fodder for debate. One significant suggestion was that the field of Southeast Asian Studies should "break out of the comfort zone" (Van Schendel, Bijdragen, 2012:168(4)). This paper will explore some of the ways of approaching Southeast Asian Studies beyond that comfort zone by examining other/alternative units of studying Southeast Asia in place of the traditional (or statist) perspectives that tend to confine the field within the scope of the national/nation-state boundaries. The paper will also provide some personal observations of the author on the current state and limitations to teaching and researching Southeast Asian Studies in the region.

• 수완나부미
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권7호
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제31호
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• pp.203-240
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• 2011

안재홍은 다사리주의(主義)를 통해 좌(左) 우(右)의 대립을 지양시키고 통일민족국가(統一民族國家)를 건설하고자 했다. 다사리주의를 이념적 차원에서 논하자면, 민족주의(民族主義)라는 점과 중도노선(中途路線)이라는 점이 주목된다. 안재홍의 민족주의는 민족적 정체성(正體性)과 민족적 주체성(主體性)을 표리의 관계로 인식했다는 점과 민족주의와 세계주의를 지양시키려 했다는 점이 주목된다. 또 안재홍의 중도노선은 자유주의(자본주의)와 급진주의(공산주의)를 지양시킨 '진정(眞正) 민주주의(民主主義) 노선'이라는 점과 미(美) 소(蘇)의 간섭을 막을 수 있는 '민족자주(民族自主) 노선'이라는 점이 주목된다. 그러나 안재홍의 다사리주의는 당시의 현실에서는 아무런 결실도 거두지 못한 '실패한 노선'이기도 했다. 그러나 안재홍의 다사리주의와 중도노선(中途路線)은 오늘날에도 여전히 중요한 의의를 지닌다. 첫째, 민족(民族)과 세계(世界)를 균형있게 조화시키려 했던 안재홍의 '신민족주의(新民族主義)'는 오늘날 세계화시대(世界化時代)에 더욱 중요한 과제로 부각되고 있다. 둘째, 균등경제(均等經濟)와 평권정치(平權政治)를 추구한 안재홍의 '신민주주의(신민주주의(新民主主義))' 역시 약자(弱者)의 생존권(生存權)이 근본적으로 위협받는 오늘날 신자유주의(新自由主義)시대에 더욱 중요한 과제로 부각되고 있다. 셋째, '해방공간'에서 중도노선(中途路線)의 실패가 민족의 분단(分斷)을 뜻하는 것이었다면, 오늘날 우리는 거꾸로 중도노선(中途路線)에서 통일(統一)의 기반을 모색해야 할 것이다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권3호
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• pp.473-493
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• 2011

This paper aims, first, to trace the trajectory of Sebastian Barry's dramatic works in terms of retrieving the hidden (hi)stories of his family members, and second, to analyze his most successful play to date in both critical and commercial senses, The Steward of Christendom, in terms of the tension or even rupture between Irish national history and the dramatic representation of it. If contemporary Irish drama as a whole can be seen as an act of mirroring up to nation, Barry's is a refracting than reflecting act. Whereas modern Irish drama tends to have helped, however inadvertently, consolidate the nation-state by imagining Ireland through its other (either in the form of the British empire or the Protestant Unionist north), Barry's drama aims at cracking the surface homogeneity of Irish identity by re-imagining "ourselves" (a forgotten part of which is a community of southern Catholic loyalists). Furthermore, the "ourselves" re-imagined in Barry's drama is more fractured than unified, irreducible in its multiplicity than acquiescent in its singularity. The playwright's foremost concern is to retrieve the lives of "history's leftovers, men and women defeated and discarded by their times" and re-member those men and women who have been expunged from the imagined community of the Irish nation. This he does by endowing "every life" with "an after-life" and "every demon" with "a fairy tale." The Steward of Christendom is Barry's dramatic attempt to bestow upon the historically demonized Thomas Dunne, an Irish policeman in the British Empire, his fairy-tale redemption.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제53호
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• pp.101-129
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• 2017

안재홍의 '불함도(不咸道)'의 핵심은 ? ? 배어 원칙(原則)'인바, 이는 '다사리 국가론(國家論)'의 토대가 된다. 안재홍의 '다사리 국가론'은 우리말 숫자의 의미를 어원적으로 해명하고, 그에 정치철학적 의의를 부여한 것이다. 안재홍이 특히 주목한 우리말 숫자는 '다섯'으로서, 그의 '다사리 국가론'도 여기에 근거하는 것이다. 그에 의하면 '다섯'은 '다사리'로서, 여기에는 '모든 사람이다 말한다'는 뜻과 '모든 사람을 다 살린다'는 뜻이 담겨 있다. 안재홍의 정치적 노선은 '좌 우의 대립을 지양시켜 통일민족국가를 건설하려는 것'이었던바, 이를 위해서는 '대립의 지양회통 논리'와 '새로운 나라의 전망'을 제시해야만 했다. 안재홍은 우리말 숫자의 어원(語源) 해석에서 이두 요소를 찾아내고, 이를 '조선정치철학'으로 체계화시킨 것이다. '조선인은 조선의 정치철학에 입각하여 국가를 건설하는 것이 가장 바람직하다' 는 주장에는 많은 사람들이 쉽게 동의할 것이다. 이러한 맥락에서, 안재홍은 정치적 정당성의 근거를 우리 민족의 전통에서 찾음으로써, 한편으로는 左 右의 대립을 지양시키려고 했고, 한편으로는 자신의 정치 노선에 대한 대중적 지지를 확보하려고 했던 것이다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제21권11호
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• pp.112-120
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• 2021

본 연구에서는 한국과 일본은 단일 민족 국가관을 같이하지만, 정부의 코로나19 긴급재난금 외국인 대상에 대해서는 차이가 있었고 이에 대해 다수의 반응을 살펴보았다. 이를 위해 동영상 소셜미디어인 유튜브에서 한국과 일본 각국의 거주 외국인에게 코로나19 재난지원금을 지원한다는 동영상에 나타난 사용자들의 댓글을 분석하였다. 연구결과 한국과 일본은 공통적으로 긍정 의견들의 전제 조건들은 세금 납부 여부이며 즉 의무만 다한다면 이주민도 선주민과 같이 국가의 혜택, 지원을 받을 수 있다는 의견이다. 다음으로 한국과 일본은 공통적으로 한·중·일 서로를 의식하고 있음을 댓글을 통해 알 수 있다. 한국과 일본의 댓글에서 가장 두드러지는 차이점은 '국적'이다. 일본은 제도에 근거해 선주민과 이주민을 구분하고 한국은 국적의 여부보다 세금과 돈과 관련해 의견이 더 몰려있음을 알 수 있었다. 본 연구는 한국과 일본의 긴급재난지원금 외국인 포함 정책에 대해 외국인 인식 비교가 가능했다는 의의가 있다.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제22권
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• pp.73-98
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• 2011

This study has as a object to investigate some various meanings of the discourses of postdevelopment of Arturo Escobar with the respect of the social movements of the indigenous and the afro-colombians in the area of the Pacific Coast of Colombia. The ideological lines of Escobar go around the group of critical discourse Modernity/(De)coloniality whose thesis lies on revealing the coloniality as principal elements of the modernity from the XVI century until now culminating in the neoliberal globalization. In another words, they try to seek for the alternative globalization based on the autonomy of the people who has been alienated for long time as 'others' by the eurocentrism of the power and the knowledge and on the equality of the cultural differences o the cosmovisions in Latin America. Escobar concentrates on the fact that the neoliberal regime would turn the nature into the environment considered as the resources for example the traditional knowledges of biodiversity of the indigenous as the capital of the pharmaceutical companies through the patents. However, the indigenous and the afro-colombians have fought fiercely to have them be maintained as a colective right of the possession not only to guard the economic interests but also their proper cultural traditions and the way of life based on the social solidarity of reciprocal care instead of the occidental individualism. This corresponds not only to the social relations but between the nature and the human society. And so, Arturo Escobar interprets these movements not only to defend the places but to express the cosmovisions of Postdevelopment further more the modern paradigm of nation-state.

• 한국가구학회지
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• 제27권4호
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• pp.271-279
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• 2016

In the modern society, social activities of married women are increasing along with the economic growth, which leads to low birth rates of the situation where most people give birth to only one or two children. Korea in particular records one of the lowest birth rates among many other nations of the world. Despite the situation where overall industrial consumer economy is not good, baby goods market is becoming more luxurious and diversified, and its scale is also growing. Desires of young parents in their 20s and 30s for their children leads to consumption desires of luxurious baby goods, and despite the fact that their taste level rises by easily gaining access to immense baby information via the Internet, our nation's baby furniture market is unreasonably lacking the ability to satisfy the needs of such consumers. Furniture culture of our nation today is based on the stand-up culture of the West. However, analyzing the life culture inside our homes, stand-up and sit-down cultures of the West and the East are coexisting complexly. Such life pattern can be more easily found in households with babies. As such, baby furniture that satisfies our unique life culture and has quality, design and price competitiveness is desperately needed. In such market state, this study is expected to make economic and cultural accomplishments by focusing on the newly embossing baby furniture market and developing products, delivering them to consumers to open new markets and developing into an industry.