• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.3-28
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• 2018

This article discusses the deadlock in the WTO on multilateral harmonization of nonpreferential rules of origin (RoO) and reviews some of the RoO included in recent preferential trade agreements. We argue that there is a trend towards adoption of similar approaches and that this suggests that cooperation to reduce the trade-impeding effects of differences in RoO across jurisdictions is more feasible than often is assumed by observers and policymakers. From a trade facilitation perspective such cooperation could be based on plurilateral initiatives under the umbrella of the WTO. These could include a focus on pursuit of greater convergence between preferential and nonpreferential RoO helping to achieve the long-standing goal of moving towards harmonization of rules of origin.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.337-348
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• 2020

Although the WTO has fulfilled several key tasks it was set up to do - providing periodic reviews of members' trade policies, resolving disputes, supporting negotiations - with the notable exceptions of the Trade Facilitation and Information Technology agreements, WTO members have not been able to negotiate new rules on "bread and butter" trade policies. The importance of doing so was illustrated by the COVID-19 pandemic which saw widespread uncoordinated recourse to trade policy instruments. This paper highlights four reforms that would bolster the effectiveness of the WTO as a forum for trade cooperation: (1) improving collection and reporting of information on trade-related policies; (2) supporting analysis-informed deliberation to establish a common understanding of the need and scope for cooperation in specific policy areas; (3) putting in place a stronger multilateral governance framework for plurilateral cooperation between groups of WTO members; and (4) reestablishing an effective dispute settlement system.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.129-154
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• 2010

In Post-soviet Space, particularly the Central Asian is a great turbulence region called the 'Eurasian Balkan', where diverse factors of conflict and dispute are existed. In Central Asia, a current regional security system is characterized by various multilateral cooperation relations among Central Asian nations and the world powers, such as NATO(PfP), OSCE, CIS, CSTO, CACO, SCO, CICA and so on. But nothing could obtain superiority as pan-regional security system. Unless internal problems and conflicts of the Central Asian nations be solved, security won't be assured in this region. Narrow-minded and blind realism will spread insecure region, make a lasting trouble spot in Eurasian continent. The purpose of this article is to explore significance for international relations of security system in the Central Asia. I examine general features of regional security environment formed after the Soviet Union's collapse, characteristics of multilateral cooperation related with Central Asian nations. Through consideration current situations I suggest prospects of security system in Central Asia.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.28-53
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• 2018

The U.S. has recently developed Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy and Distributed Lethality strategy based on a common perception that they are responding to China's threats. In the future, it is anticipated the following. Strengthen cooperation of the U.S.-India-Vietnam navy, Maximizing the combined combat power between the U.S. and regional navies, Improving its ability to restore damage control, Economic cooperation between the Pacific and Indian countries. The meanings given to the Korean navy are as follows. First, South Korea should pursue cooperation with the Indian Navy, which will grow into a regional balance on China's growth. The growth of the Indian navy is expected to increase cooperation with other Pacific countries. The government should seek ways to promote cooperation with india navy in various fields. Secondly, it is a joint drill between the U.S. Navy and the Korean Navy. Recently, the Korea-U.S. joint drill has not been conducted and many changes are expected to be made regarding the implementation of the joint drill in the future. Therefore, it is necessary to respond to possible changes in the naval relationship between Korea navy and the U.S. navy Also, due to distributed lethality strategy, preparations for operations and training with U.S.navy will be necessary. Lastly, it should contribute to cooperation among regional countries in preparation for maritime territorial disputes. The growth of the Chinese navy and the territorial disputes in the East and South China sea has raised the possibility of accidental military clashes at sea. Therefore, the government should make efforts to create multilateral security cooperation systems that can continue to promote the prevention of armed conflict.

• Ocean policy research
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.57-82
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• 2018

This study aimed to review the reorganization of fisheries and the future tasks in accordance with the establishment of new fishery order in the Northeast Asian Seas. As the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which recognized the sovereign rights of Coastal States in a 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ), entered into force in 1994, the three countries of Korea, China and Japan ratified the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1996 and started negotiations to establish a new fishery order consistent with the EEZ system. However, a conflict of interest occurred because of differences in fisheries between countries, negotiations many times have proceeded, resulting in the signing of fishery agreement between China and Japan in 1997, Korea and Japan in 1998, and Korea and China in 2000. Each fishery arrangement consists of a dual system of EEZ and provisional waters (middle waters, provisional waters). The two countries are engaged in mutual fishing based on coastal states in EEZ, and in the fishing operation under the principle of flag state in provisional waters. There are overlapping or ambiguous jurisdictions in the intermediate waters and provisional waters that are jointly available to both fisheries. The presence of these seas is a challenge to the establishment of a reasonable international fisheries management system for the entire Northeast Asian Seas. In this context, the challenges of the reorganization of the new fisheries order are as follows: 1) conversion to a fishery order for coexistence of fisheries, 2) expansion to an international fishery management system, and 3) establishment of a multilateral fishery cooperation system. Although the jurisdiction of their own waters has been expanded through the establishment of EEZ according to new fishery order, the need for mutual cooperation grows when considering the movement and migration of fishery resources, fishery management, fish consumption and trade. In addition to the fisheries cooperation between the governments, it is also necessary to revitalize the civil cooperation focused on fishermen who exploit fishing grounds together.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.223-236
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• 2019

Governance can be defined as a concept that encompasses a series of processes including partner selection as well as control and coordination of collaboration to achieve common goals. The study examined efforts to mitigate the risks of opportunistic behaviors into partner selection, partner relationship, control mechanism, and conflict management. For cases that have achieved commercialization outputs with the participation of SMEs, data was collected and analyzed such as interviews with project managers and case records for seven months from October 2016. According to the analysis result, as the complexity increases, such as multilateral cooperation for the development of finished products, cooperation with a trusted partner rather than a partner who can perform a task well was preferred, and the process control was put ahead of the output control. Regarding the partner relationship, the relationship between the owner and the agent differed according to the point of view, and there was a lack of clear allocation of authority and responsibility as well as a reward for the result. In terms of the conflict management, most emphasis was on resolving conflicts or difficulties, and no attempt was made to utilize the positive aspects of the conflict. The structure of most industry-university-institute cooperation organizations is simply composed of the host and participating organizations, and the management regulations should be amended for companies, that put actual funds and use the outputs, to have the authority and responsibility as the owners, and be allowed to use the governance elements appropriately to take the lead as consumers.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.3 no.2 s.6
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• pp.29-60
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• 2003

Inter-Korean Cooperation in Science and Technology will contribute to building the trust between S.K and N.K as a leading factor and cut down the cost of unification by diminishing the technology lag and the gap of economic level. This study has shown that we can increase the productivity of unified Korea Innovation system if we systematically analyse the present condition of the Inter-Korean Cooperation and promote Inter-Korean Cooperation. In this study, the author analyses the present condition of the Inter-Korean Cooperation with integrated framework of three aspects to clear up the policy of Inter-Korean Cooperation. First, in the national aspect, we make use of the notion of international cooperation and multilateral mechanism of an international organization. Thereafter, we make out the alternatives in the aspects of international relationship and legal and institutional view Second, in the unification aspect, we consider the Inter-Korean Cooperation by the notion of national innovation system. Thereafter, we make out the alternative in the aspect of a phase-dependent approach. Finally, in technology aspect, we consider the Inter-Korean Cooperation by the notion of technology gap, the framework of technology transfer, and technology dependency theory. As a conclusion, through this study, the author have tried to integrate the various theoretical backgrounds. As a result, the author could analyse the present condition of ter-Korean Cooperation in Science and Technology and team a good lesson from it; Therefore, we can use it as a means of evaluation on a cooperation program and prediction for the future status of cooperation.