• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2016

Recently, the Japanese government revised the three guidelines of its security policy, the National Security Strategy(NSS), the National Defense Program Outline and Midterm Defense Buildup Plan, exceptionally at one time. This means Japan has been seeking the new strategy and strengthening military power considering changing regional security environment. Moreover, Japan revised the security laws for the right to collective self-defense, which authorized the use of force even when Japan is not under attack. Also, Japan renewed the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in twenty years, and has expanded JSDF's scope of activity to a worldwide level. These changes imply Japan would constantly seek to build military forces focusing on naval forces. Because Japan's naval forces, the JMSDF is the means that allow Japan to use its force at anywhere overseas and expand its roles and missions in international society by the basis of the right to collective self-defense. This research will analyze Japan's new maritime strategy and trend of force development and eventually look for the implication on our maritime security These days, Japan has perceived Chinese rapid increase of naval power and pursuing of maritime hegemony as a grave threat. In response to this, Japan is designing new maritime strategy, which are "remote islands defense and recapture" and proactively develop a new type of naval forces to accomplish this new strategy. The Japan's "remote island defense and recapture strategy" is to harden its defensive posture in Nansei islands which correspond to China's 1st island chain for chinese A2/AD strategy and directly encounter with China and to protect its own dominium and maritime interest while supporting US national strategy in East Asia. Japan continues to build compact, multi-functional ship to accomplish "remote island defense and recapture strategy" and keep strengthening its maritime power projection capability to include build of new amphibious ship, and large, multi-functional ship which can provide effective C2. These changes imply that Japan is shifting its strategy from passive and defensive to proactive and aggressive way and continues to pursue naval buildup.The implication of Japan's new maritime strategy and naval buildup needs to be observed carefully and we need to keep developing naval power required to protect our maritime sovereignty and interest.

• 한국국방경영분석학회지
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.34-46
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• 2000

The object of this study is to construct a model for an optimal allocation of short surface to air missile defending our targets most efficiently from hostile aircraft´s attack. For the purpose of this, we analyze and establish facility allocation concept of existing models, apply set covering theory appropriate to problem´s properties, present the process of calculating the probability of target being protected, apply Sherali-Kim´s branching variable selection strategy, and then construct the model. As constructed model apply the reducing problem with application, we confirm that we can apply the large scale, real problem.

• 해양안보
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.149-173
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• 2020

COVID-19 위기로 인해 미국을 비롯한 서구 세력들이 혼란에 빠져 있는 상황에서도, 중국은 회색지대 전략으로 공세적인 해양팽창을 계속하고 있다. 중국이 남중국해를 중심으로 사용하고 있는 회색 지대 전략이란 전쟁도, 평화도 아닌 불분명한 상태를 창출함으로써 국제정치의 현상변경을 추진하는 전략을 말한다. 동아시아 전역으로 영향력을 확대하려 하는 중국은 앞으로 한반도에도 회색지대 전략을 투사하려 할 것이다. 한국이 남중국해 분쟁에 우발적으로 연루되는 경우, 서해에서 중국어선의 불법조업으로 부터 양국의 군사적 갈등이 초래되는 경우, 중국이 이어도에 충돌을 일으키고 개입하려는 경우, 가능성은 낮으나 독도문제를 이용해 한일갈등을 일으켜 한중 결속을 시도하는 경우들이 예상된다. 이에 대처하기 위해 한국은 장기적인 관점에서 아시아 해양안전 선단 창설 및 국가함대라는 틀을 통한 해군과 해경의 통합운용 활성화, 중국의 도발에 대한 대응체계 강화 등을 추구해야 할 것이다.

• 한국경영과학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국경영과학회/대한산업공학회 1999년도 춘계공동학술대회:정보화시대의 지식경영
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• pp.162-163
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• 1999

• 한국국방경영분석학회지
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• 제28권1호
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• pp.17-28
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• 2002

Recently, To define an enterprise's survival strategy is a difficult task, because the competition of a business is a complexity. The reason is the original research uses a statistical survey method. On a conceptual point of SCM, - as an order of development, physical distribution, logistics management, basic supply chain management and advanced supply chain management etc - a supervisor is magnifying gradually as well as confusing with information and analysis techniques which seems possible. On executing this, however, it has many problems since it is hard and wide; therefore, The Manager don't aware a total executable solution even though the enterprise knows necessity of SCM. On this paper focus on a proposal of alternatives with reasonableness of manufacturing and making a profit of sales department like most of enterprises are willing to overcome such as carelessness and unready strategy of investment additionally, the thesis should effort to find an element through an analysis of cases, a statistical method of effective SCM, and actual survey to propose an alternative; moreover, this paper proved the facts that it could be a guiding company, which has an ability of cooperation with entities through the founding of supply chain. As a conclusion, this essay showed the variation that influences the capacity entities and alternative to define an element which basically influence for a cause and effect.

• 한국군사과학기술학회지
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• 제23권4호
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• pp.399-406
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• 2020

In this paper, we propose a time-varying proportional navigation guidance law that determines the proportional navigation gain in real-time according to the operating situation. When intercepting a target, an unidentified evasion strategy causes a loss of optimality. To compensate for this problem, proper proportional navigation gain is derived at every time step by solving an optimal control problem with the inferred evader's strategy. Recently, deep reinforcement learning algorithms are introduced to deal with complex optimal control problem efficiently. We adapt the actor-critic method to build a proportional navigation gain network and the network is trained by the Proximal Policy Optimization(PPO) algorithm to learn an evasion strategy of the target. Numerical experiments show the effectiveness and optimality of the proposed method.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제10권3호
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• pp.1-5
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• 2024

러시아-우크라이나 전쟁이 진행중인 상황에서 2023년 10월 7일 하마스의 기습공격으로 전쟁이 발발하였다. 이스라엘과 하마스는 2021년에 비슷한 원인과 양상으로 충돌이 있었고 곧바로 평화협정을 맺고 일단락되었다. '인류의 역사는 전쟁의 역사'라고 해도 과언이 아닐 정도로 전쟁은 인류사의 상당 비중을 차지한다. 케네스 월츠에 의하면, 인간의 폭력적이고 이기적인 본성과 국가의 자국 이익 추구의 속성, 그리고 국제체제가 전쟁의 원인으로 동시에 작용한다고 하였다. 본 연구의 목적은 이스라엘-하마스 전쟁의 원인을 케네스 월츠의 3가지 이미지 이론으로 분석하여 시사점을 도출하고 한국의 군사전략에 미치는 함의를 제공하고자 한다

• 한국국방경영분석학회지
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.1-15
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• 1991

If one were to say that war is political in its nature, then war could be one of the several ways of achieving political goals. Thus, the aspect of wars will, in certainty, be altered by the changes in political environment. Wars in the past broke out mainly due to ideological differences that ran to extremes and were of high intensity. However, wars today show such restraints as controlling them beforehand or during the war in anticipation of the post-war situation. The trend of ideas to actualize such wars in the effective operation of airpower is on the rise. Airpower normally possesses speed and operative flexibility as well as capability of destruction, so it is possible to destroy the politically declared targets clearly. Previous airpower was merely employed as means of helping to vertically detouring the spatial obstacle that the ground forces encountered. Over the years, due to the speedy improvement of aviation technology and of ideas concerning wars in space, more advanced application has been developed. but they also were nothing more than an auxiliary role to facilotate the ground forces, that needed a longer effective range of firepower and did not become forces with the right of self-determination, that is, the fact of decisive war that makes its outcome. However, under transitional strategic environment like that of the present, Airpower possesses not only the capability to operate as a decisive means of war but also as theories to support it. The advancement in air technology has enabled supremacy over targets in depth, and the development of electronic technology has empowered the improvement of degree of destruction but also triumphant war by means of an overwhelming supremacy in a relatively short period. Thus, the method of systematic destruction that accomplishes the stated goals while rejecting the damage of accumulative destruction has been realized. The progress of such a concept has also proved that the counter-force strategy that has been developed in nuclear strategy is useful in conventional warfare as well. Therefore, it can be said that the under today's strategic environment airpower is an outstanding means of military strategy that can deeply affect to achieve the national objectives.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.47-72
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• 2009

소련 해체와 이에 따른 냉전 종식 이후 러시아는 미국이 주도하는 국제질서 속에서 자국의 국가이익에 맞는 역할과 위상을 모색해 왔다. 미국의 세계정책에 조건부로 공조하기도 하고, 옛 소련지역을 포함하는 포스트소비에트 공간에 대해서는 자국의 이익을 보호하고 영향력을 복원하려는 적극적인 노력도 경주하고 있다. 그 이유는 포스트소비에트 공간은 에너지 자원 확보와 국제정치 행위자들의 영향력 증대 및 제 국가의 국제사회 위상 제고 등을 둘러싸고 21세기 새롭게 부각하는 러시아와 미국을 위시한 서방세계의 세력 각축장이라고 할 수 있기 때문이다. 특히, 포스트소비에트 공간의 추축국으로 인식되었던 우크라이나는 전통적인 배타적 영향력을 유지하려는 러시아와 소련 해체 이후 지속적으로 영향력을 확대하고자 하는 미국 및 서방 세력이 충돌하며 '신냉전'적 세력경쟁의 양상이 표출되는 지역이다. 이 글은 러시아가 구사하는 군사안보차원의 전략과 정책은 무엇이며, 이것이 포스트소비에트 공간의 주요 국가인 우크라이나에서 어떻게 투사되고 있는지, 그리고 이 과정에서 표출되는 우크라이나 및 서방과 러시아의 갈등 요인은 무엇이며, 그 양상은 어떻게 전개되고 있는가에 대해 고찰하고 있다.