• Title/Summary/Keyword: middle-age

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Overview of Utilization of Four-wheel Tractor in Korea(I) -Ownership and Annual Use by Different Farm Groups- (농용(農用)트랙터 이용(利用)에 관(關)한 조사연구(調査硏究)(I) -경영형태별(經營形態別) 농작업이용실태분석(農作業利用實態分析)-)

  • Park, Ho Seok;Kim, Kyong Su;Lee, Yong Kook;Han, Sung Kum
    • Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.20-32
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    • 1982
  • This survey was conducted to investigate the present status of farm tractor utilization for obtaining a basic reference to the establishment of the government's agricultural mechanization strategies. Thirty two counties from the eight provinces except Jeju were covered in this study. From these selected areas, 433 sample farms having farm tractor were taken to obtain the general informations by the enquete, and 93 sample farms among them to investigate the status of daily tractor use in the year of 1980. The analyzed results are summarized as follows: 1. Farm tractors owned by the rice-oriented farms holds 71.5 percent of the total number of tractors the livestock-oriented farms 17.0 percent, and the orchard-oriented farms 7.0 percent. Among the farm tractors 64.3 percent was a large size (46ps) and 35.7 percent a small size(19~23ps). 2. Most of the tractors surveyed were equipped with the essential attachments such as plow and rotavator. About 18 percent of the tractor owners had no trailer, which seemed too high considering the large percentage of tractor use for transportation. The availability of other attachments was very low except a grader on the rice-oriented farms and a hay harvester and a front loader on the livestock-oriented farms. 3. The average size of farm was 3.9 hectare for the rice-oriented farms, 13.9 hectare for the livestock-oriented farms and 7.4 hectare for the orchard-oriented farms. It was obious that the average farm size of was too small compared to the theoretical machine capacity of the tractors. 4. About 70 percent of the tractor operators were in the age of twenties and thirties. About 90 percent of them had an educational level of middle school graduate or above even though their technical level was very low. 5. Any particular problem in tractor use was not found in this survey. From the farmer's preference for purchasing a new tractor, however, it is estimated the demand on a 20-30ps tractor will be more increased. 6. The average annual use of tractor was of about 100 days or 400 hours. It appeared that the rice-oriented farms used most with 412.4 hours per year, and followed by the livestock-oriented farms with 403.6 hours, the orchard oriented farms with 377.7 hours. 7. Among the total hours of tractor use, 47.3 percent was for transportation, and 41.6 percent was for plowing and rotary tillage. The largest portion of the annual tractor use was taken by transportation on the livestock-oriented farms, by land preperation on the rice-oriented farms, and by loading and chemical spraying on the orchard-oriented farms. 8. The hours of tractor use had a peak in May. The hours of use for own farm was remarkably different among the different farm oriented, but there was no considerable difference between the too different sizes of tractor. 9. The hours of tractor use decreased as the age of the operator or the educational level increased. The reason might be that the operators who had a high educational level or were older had a tendency of disliking custom works. 10. The average custom use of tractor was 171.3 hours per year, and the ratio of custom work was 63.7 percent on the rice-oriented farms, 31.7 percent on the livestock-oriented farms and 22.4 percent on the orchard-oriented farms. Among the custom works, the most popular one was the grader leveling. 11. The charge on custom work was about 40,000 Won per hectare for plowing and rotary tillage, and it was the most expensive in the southeastern region, and next followed by the southwestern region. 12. The average plowing capacity of the small tractor was 7.8 hours per hectare in the paddy field, and that of the large tractors was 4.3 hours per hectare. The average rotary-tilling capacities of the small and the large tractors were 6.5 and 4.3 hours per hectare, in the paddy field respectively.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Eating Traits and General Psychopathology of Korean Males Who Show High Score on the Korean Version of Eating Attitudes Test-26 (한국판(韓國版) 식사태도(食事態度) 검사(檢査)-26에서 고득점(高得點)을 보인 한국(韓國) 일반(一般) 남성군(男性群)의 식사특성(食事特性)과 일반정신병리(一般精神病理))

  • Han, Ki-Seok;Lee, Young-Ho;Rhee, Min-Kyu;Park, Se-Hyun;Sohn, Chang-Ho;Chung, Young-Cho;Hong, Sung-Kook;Lee, Byung-Kwan;Chang, Phi-Lip;Yoon, A-Rhee
    • Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.87-102
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    • 1999
  • Objectives : The purposes of this study were to estimate the prevalence rate of eating disorders in Korean males and to clarify their characteristics in sociodemograhic data, the eating traits, and general psychopathology through the comparison with those of female high scored group on the Korean version of Eating Attitudes Test-26(KEAT-26). Methods : Using a multi-stage questionnaire sampling method including area sampling, proportionated stratified sampling, and quota sampling, we surveyed a total of 4,400 Korean adults over 18 in a nationwide area(9 kus, 10 middle or small cities, and 17 kuns), obtaining usable responses on 3,896. Of the 3,062 subjects(1249 males and 1813 females) who were available for analysis, we ascertained 52 males and 208 females who had high score($\geq$ cutoff point 21) on the KEAT-26. Results : 1) The proportion of this high score group was 1.7% in male and 6.8% in female with a sex ratio(male versus female) of 1 : 4. 2) The mean age was higher in the male group than in the female group, although it was not statistically significant(p=0.0514). Mean Body Mass Index(BMI) of the male group was significantly higher than that of female group, and the number of male subjects with below 20 of BMI was also significantly lower than in the female group. 3) There were no significant difference in past history of physical illness between two groups. However, frequency of smoking and alcohol use, and mean amount of alcohol consumption per month were significantly higher in the male group than in the female group. There were no significant differences between the two groups on various socio-demographic correlates such as economic status, total duration of education, number of family, marital status, religious status, and area of residence, but the exception of being occupational status. 4) The 'Eating Habits Scale' score and score of 'preference for vegetables and fish, and dislike for sweet-tasting food' of the male group were significantly lower than those of the female group. Although there was no significant difference between the two groups in total scores of the KEAT-26, the mean score on 'pursuit of thinness' subscale was higher in the female group than in the male group, while scores of 'food preoccupation' and 'self-control' subscales were higher in the male group than in the female group. 5) Scores on 'psychoticism' was significantly higher in the male group than in the female group, although there were no significant differences between the two groups on 'locus of control for weight', 'depression' and 'hypochondriasis'. Conclusion : These results support a possibility of a high prevalence of eating disorders in Korean males. These results suggest that eating related characteristics of high scorer on the EAT are different by sex in spite of the same high score on the EAT, and also suggest that male patients with eating disorders have more serious personality pathology than female patients with eating disorders.

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A Preliminary Study of Ecological Aspects of Food on a Kind of Gom-Tang(Beef Soup made with Internal Organs and Bone) Intake (식생태학적(食生態學的) 관점(觀點)에서 본 곰탕류(類) 섭취(攝取)에 관한 예비적연구(豫備的硏究))

  • Kwon, Sun-Ja;Adachi, Miyuki;Mo, Su-Mi;Choi, Kyung-Suk;Kim, Ju-Hye;Koh, Hee-Jung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.6 no.4
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    • pp.421-432
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    • 1991
  • This study was conducted to investigate the intake of a kind of Gom-Tang (Beef soup made with internal organs and bone), which is the Korean traditional food, and factors affecting the eating behavior of customers. Two hundred male customers of a H Korean Restaurant specialized in Gom-Tang, which is a well-known restaurant in Seoul, were surveyed from June 26 to 29, 1990. The results were shown as follows. (1) ${\ulcorner}$Frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ were very high. Those who took a kind of Gom-Tang ${\ulcorner}$more than once a week${\lrcorner}$ were 66.5% of the subjects. Those who evaluated ${\ulcorner}$good${\lrcorner}$ for the taste and flavor were 86.5% and 59.0% of the subjects, respectively. (2) The reasons why they chose a kind of Gom-Tang from among many Korean traditional foods were ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$phygiological condition${\lrcorner}$ in ${\ulcorner}$high frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group. ${\ulcorner}$Phygiological condition${\lrcorner}$ was more critical factor than ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ in ${\ulcorner}$low frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group. (3) The effect of the intake of a kind of Gom-Tang on health was evaluated as ${\ulcorner}$healthy${\lrcorner}$ (80.5%). ${\ulcorner}$No effect${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$harmful${\lrcorner}$ were 30.5% and 6.5%, respectively. (4) ${\ulcorner}$High frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group, mainly more than 50 years of age, had a high ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$food knowledge${\lrcorner}$ as well as positive ${\ulcorner}$eating behavior${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$healthy state${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Middle frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group, mainly the forties, had a high ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$, but had less positive ${\ulcorner}$eating behavior${\lrcorner}$ than ${\ulcorner}$high frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group. ${\ulcorner}$Low frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group, mainly the twenties and thirties, had a medial ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$. They took a kind of Gom-Tang for reasons of ${\ulcorner}$on the recommendation of friends${\lrcorner}$ better than ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$. Foregoing results showed that ${\ulcorner}$a kind of Gom-Tang${\lrcorner}$ was a typical food recognized as ${\ulcorner}$healthy${\lrcorner}$ as well as ${\ulcorner}$delicious${\lrcorner}$. This may suggest that ${\ulcorner}$a kind of Gom-Tang${\lrcorner}$ is a candidate for the effective food on nutritional education.

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A Case Study on Application of the Menu Engineering Technique in Government Offices Contract Foodservice (관공서급식소의 메뉴엔지니어링기법을 적용한 메뉴분석 사례연구)

  • Rho, Sung-Yoon
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.78-96
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze and evaluate the menu served in government offices foodservice by using Kasavana & Smith's Menu-Engineering. Sales and food costs were collected from the daily sales reports for a year from Jan 2 to Dec 31 in 2007. Calculation for menu analysis and customer's data were done by computer using the MS 2003 Excel spreadsheet program and SPSS 12.0 package program. Menu mix% (MM%) and unit contribution margin were used as variables by Kasavana & Smith. Four possible classifications by Menu-Engineering technique were turned out as 'STAR', 'PLOWHORSE', 'PUZZLE', 'DOG'. The main menus served during a year were 128 dishes and about 141 peoples visited this restaurant daily. The mean age of the men was $44.1\;{\pm}\;6.3$, women were $32.7\;{\pm}\;6.4$ and showed that was statistically higher than that of women (p < .0001). The rates of STAR menus were 'Western style (75.0%)', 'guk/tang-ryu (48.1%)', 'jjigae/ jeongol-ryu (23.1%)', 'bap-ryu (17.2%)' in sequence. There were no STAR menus in gui/jorim/jjim-ryu. PLOWHORSE menus were 'gui-ryu (75.0%)', 'guk/tang-ryu (29.6%)', 'bap-ryu (27.6%)' in sequence. There were no PUZZLE or DOG menus in 'jjigae/jeongol-ryu'. PUZZLE menus were 'jorim/jjim-ryu and Myeonryu (each 33.3%)', 'bap-ryu (31.0%)' in sequence. PUZZLE menus were a lots of 'Chinese food (75.0%)' and 'myeonryu (55.6%)'. This study provides the basic data based on regularly menu analysis method applied the scientific menu analysis techniques in government offices food services, I'd like to suggest that the menu management must be done based on the necessity and result of menu analysis according to the seasonal and middle, long-term plans.

Genetic Environments of the High-purity Limestone in the Upper Zone of the Daegi Formation at the Jeongseon-Samcheok Area (정선-삼척 일대 대기층 상부 고품위 석회석의 생성환경)

  • Kim, Chang Seong;Choi, Seon-Gyu;Kim, Gyu-Bo;Kang, Jeonggeuk;Kim, Kyeong Bae;Kim, Hagsoo;Lee, Jeongsang;Ryu, In-Chang
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.287-302
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    • 2017
  • The carbonate rocks of the Daegi Formation are composed of the limestone at the upper and lower zones, and the dolomite at the middle zone, in which the upper zone has higher CaO content than others. The colors of carbonate rock in the Daegi Formation can be divided into five types; white, light brown, light gray, gray, and dark gray. The white to light gray colored rocks correspond to the high purity limestone with 53.15 ~ 55.64 wt. % CaO, and the light brown colored rocks contain 20.71 ~ 21.67 wt. % MgO. The bleaching of carbonate rocks are not related to CaO composition of the rocks, as light gray rocks tend to be higher in CaO content than those of the white rocks at the lower zone. The pelitic components are also occasionally increased in white limestone than light grey one. $Al_2O_3$ is one of the most difficult content to remove during hydrothermal processes, so the interpretation that the limestone is purified together with hydrothemral bleaching, has little merit. The wide range (over 16 ‰) of ${\delta}^{18}O_{SMOW}$, smaller variation (within 2 ‰) of ${\delta}^{13}C_{PDB}$ are apparent in both the upper and lower zones, which indicate the Daegi Formation had been affected overall by hydrothermal fluids. The K-Ar isotopic age of hydrothermal alteration in the GMI limestone mine is $85.1{\pm}1.7Ma$. Gradual change from grey through light grey to white limestone is accompaned by lower oxygen stable isotope values, which is major evidence that the hydrothermal effect is the main process of the bleaching. Although the Daegi Formation has suffered from hydrothermal activity and increase in whiteness, there is no clear evidence demonstrating the relationship between bleaching and high purity of limestone. The purification of limestone has nothing to do with the hydrothermal activity in this area. Instead, it should be considered that the change of sedimentary environment related to see-level fluctuation which can prevent deposition of pelitic components especially $Al_2O_3$ contrbuted to the formation of the high purity limestone in the upper zone of the Daegi Formation. Considering the evidences such as increase in CaO content of limestone by depth, gradual change from calcite to dolomite at the lower zones, and occurring the high purity limestone at the upper zone, the interpretation of sequence stratigraphic aspect to the formation of the high purity Daegi limestone appears to be more suitable than that of hydrothermal alteration origin.

The Analysis of the School Foodservice Employees' Knowledge and Performance Degree of HACCP System in Jeju (제주지역 학교급식 조리종사자의 HACCP 관련 지식 및 수행도 분석)

  • Song, Im-Sook;Chae, In-Sook
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.41 no.8
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    • pp.870-886
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    • 2008
  • The purposes of this study were to (a) analyze school foodservice employees' knowledge and performance degree of HACCP system and (b) provide the basic data for planning the strategies which can be performed for systematic HACCP system in school foodservice. For these purposes, the subjects included 91 dieticians (a response rate 98.9%) and 270 foodservice employees (a response rate 98.2%) at school in Jeju city and they were surveyed from October 21 to November 4, 2006. The data were analyzed by descriptive analysis, reliability analysis, t-test, ANOVA (Duncan multiple range test) and Pearson's correlation coefficients using the SPSS Win Program (version 12.0). In terms of the number of training practice, the result of sanitary training indicated that the dieticians who trained the employees more than once per a week (48.6%) or everyday (36.3%) were 84.7%. And the dieticians who were higher age, full-time job, and working at middle school implemented significantly more training the employees. In the training methods, 40.7% of dieticians used the oral presentation and 37.4 % utilized the printed matters. Also, most of employees (98.1%) have experienced for the training, 39.6% of them did not have regular training experience and 40.7% of them responded that they were understanding the HACCP system well. The result of employees' knowledge level of HACCP system reported that the items of the personal hygiene scored the highest (92.3 points) whereas the items of CCP3 scored the lowest (58.3 points) as the average being 84.2 points (out of 100 scale). In terms of the performance degree of HACCP system, the average was 4.40 (out of 5 scale), the items of the personal hygiene scored the highest as 4.51 whereas the items of CCP2 scored the lowest as 4.31 points. The dieticians' perception degree of employees' performance degree in HACCP system showed that the average was 4.13 (out of 5 scale), so it was significantly lower than actual performance degree as average 4.40 (out of 5 scale). Additionally the employees' knowledge level was positively correlated to performance degree and employees' knowledge level of CCP3, CCP4, and the personal hygiene significantly influenced to the HACCP performance degree. Finally, the dieticians have to recognize correctly the employees' performance degree and on the basis of it must plan the sanitary training which has a proper contents and methods to enhance the employees' knowledge level and achieve more systematic HACCP system in school foodservice.

Clinical Outcomes of Corrective Surgical Treatment for Esophageal Cancer (식도암의 외과적 근치 절제술에 대한 임상적 고찰)

  • Ryu Se Min;Jo Won Min;Mok Young Jae;Kim Hyun Koo;Cho Yang Hyun;Sohn Young-sang;Kim Hark Jei;Choi Young Ho
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.38 no.2 s.247
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    • pp.157-163
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    • 2005
  • Background: Clinical outcomes of esophageal cancer have not been satisfactory in spite of the development of surgical skills and protocols of adjuvant therapy. We analyzed the results of corrective surgical patients for esophageal cancer from January 1992 to July 2002. Material and Method: Among 129 patients with esophageal cancer, this study was performed in 68 patients who received corrective surgery. The ratio of sex was 59 : 9 (male : female) and mean age was $61.07\pm7.36$ years old. Chief complaints of this patients were dysphagia, epigastric pain and weight loss, etc. The locations of esophageal cancer were 4 in upper esophagus, 36 in middle, 20 in lower, 8 in esophagogastric junction. 60 patients had squamous cell cancer and 7 had adenocarcinoma, and 1 had malignant melanoma. Five patients had neoadjuvant chemotherapy. Result: The postoperative stage I, IIA, IIB, III, IV patients were 7, 25, 12, 17 and 7, respectively. The conduit for replacement of esophagus were stomach (62 patients) and colon (6 patients). The neck anastomosis was performed in 28 patients and intrathoracic anastomosis in 40 patients. The technique of anastomosis were hand sewing method (44 patients) and stapling method (24 patients). One of the early complications was anastomosis leakage (3 patients) which had only radiologic leakage that recovered spontaneously. The anastomosis technique had no correlation with postoperative leakage, which stapling method (2 patients) and hand sewing method (1 patient). There were 3 respiratory failures, 6 pneumonia, 1 fulminant hepatitis, 1 bleeding and 1 sepsis. The 2 early postoperative deaths were fulminant hepatitis and sepsis. Among 68 patients, 23 patients had postoperative adjuvant therapy and 55 paitents were followed up. The follow up period was $23.73\pm22.18$ months ($1\~76$ month). There were 5 patients in stage I, 21 in stage 2A, 9 in stage IIB, 15 in stage III and 5 in stage IV. The 1, 3, 5 year survival rates of the patients who could be followed up completely was $58.43\pm6.5\%,\;35.48\pm7.5\%\;and\;18.81\pm7.7\%$, respectively. Statistical analysis showed that long-term survival difference was associated with a stage, T stage, and N stage (p<0.05) but not associated with histology, sex, anastomosis location, tumor location, and pre and postoperative adjuvant therapy. Conclusion: The early diagnosis, aggressive operative resection, and adequate postoperative treatment may have contributed to the observed increase in survival for esophageal cancer patients.

Healing Effect of 'Creative Writing' on Individual and on Our Age - Focused on the 'Man of Darkness (Vampire)' Symbol - ('창조적 글쓰기'가 개인 및 시대에 미치는 치유적 작용 - '어둠의 남자(Vampire)' 상징을 중심으로 - )

  • Kye-Hee Kim;Ki-Won Kim;Eun-Seun Han
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.1-49
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    • 2013
  • This article started with 'encounter'. Both authors met around the middle of February and discussed the subject for the inhospital conference presentation scheduled at the break of June. Having conversation like "Movies similar to fairytales heard from childhood are standing out conspicuously among commercial films which are attracting audiences and receiving fervent response these days. This phenomenon is marvelous and mysterious." together, and sharing this and that, the conversation turned naturally to 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Series of Twilight', and 'Warm Bodies', both authors found out the fact that we saw these movies in common with propound impression. Feeling our hearts beating high, bit of fear and hesitation followed simultaneously at the moment when both of us encountered the idea to choose subject of conference presentation related to this and expressed one in words. While preparing for the conference, presenting to others, and having discussion with the audience, our hearts have been filled with Presentation was finished after active discussion beyond fixed hour and it also brought audience (among those present) to show strong emotional response both positively and negatively. At first, we just had a thought to put aside the content of presentation, but we felt lack of something else, lingering in our minds. We finally decided to accomplish our work into an article leading to submission, based on the advice and recommendation from one of the audience. This article is a small 'creative writing' born by sharing both authors' passion and enthusiasm. In the first part of this article, we have introduced the dream of 31-year-old woman's which led to the 'creative writing' and spotlighted her personal life, before and after the dream. In the second part, we have examined the consequence (way of realization) and meaning of creative impulse shown from or experienced from personal unconsciousness (dream, fantasy) together. Creative impulse shown from the individual appeared to bring creative transformation of individual personality through the process of 'introversion'. Otherwise it also appeared to be delivered as a masterpiece through 'creative writing' or from the process of 'extroversion'. Sometimes both consequences happened at once. We tried to examine and interpret the dream of 31-year-old woman's, which was introduced in the first part of this article, that is to say, the dream of 'Stephenie Meyer's, the author of the 'love between vampire boy and ordinary human girl' themed novel 'Twilight Series', in a psychoanalytic perspective. In the third part, highlighting individual dreams and three different movies 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Twilight Series', and 'Warm Bodies', we found the transformation of symbol 'Man of Darkness, vampire' seen in each individual dreams and in some specific popular arts, such as novels and movies, receiving fervent response from people. We also found love between this symbol and humane woman, bearing fruit together with very impressive change shown in the attitude of 'Man of Darkness' (vampire)'s conscious ego and mutual relationship pattern. We contemplated this phenomenon, the reason why these events happen, and what kind of association presents among these events, individual, and this era and discussed the effects on individuals and this era, at present. 'Creative impulse', originated in the deep structure of human mind is realized as a 'transformation of individual personality' or masterpiece through artistic creation. If it has a chance to make a match with this era, shared by a lot of contemporary people, it also appears to bring positive effect as healing and salvation to each individual or to each era. From this article, we mainly highlighted positive and healing aspects of individual 'creative impulse'. We hope to deal with the negative consequences and their reason coming from 'creative impulse', if the occasion arises, in the future with a new article.

A Study on Forestation for Landscaping around the Lakes in the Upper Watersheds of North Han River (북한강상류수계(北漢江上流水系)의 호수단지주변삼림(湖水団地周辺森林)의 풍경적시업(風景的施業)에 관(関)한 연구(硏究))

  • Ho, Ul Yeong
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 1981
  • Kangweon-Do is rich in sightseeing resources. There are three sightseeing areas;first, mountain area including Seolak and Ohdae National Parks, and chiak Provincial Park; second eastern coastal area; third lake area including the watersheds of North Han River. In this paper, several methods of forestation were studied for landscaping the North Han River watersheds centering around Chounchon. In Chunchon lake complex, there are four lakes; Uiam, Chunchon, Soyang and Paro from down to upper stream. The total surface area of the above four lakes is $14.4km^2$ the total pondage of them 4,155 million $m^3$, the total generation of electric power of them 410 thousand Kw, and the total forest area bordering on them $1,208km^2$. The bordering forest consists of planned management forest ($745km^2$) and non-planned management forest ($463km^2$). The latter is divided into green belt zone, natural conservation area, and protection forest. The forest in green belt amounts to $177km^2$ and centers around the 10km radios from Chunchon. The forest in natural conservation area amounts to $165km^2$, which is established within 2km sight range from the Soyang-lake sides. Protection forest surrounding the lakes is $121km^2$ There are many scenic places, recreation gardens, cultural goods and ruins in this lake complex, which are the same good tourist resources as lakes and forest. The forest encirelng the lakes has the poor average growing stock of $15m^3/ha$, because 70% of the forest consists of the young plantation of 1 to 2 age class. The ration of the needle-leaved forest, the broad-leaved forest and the mixed forest in 35:37:28. From the standpoint of ownership, the forest consists of national forest (36%), provincial forest (14%), Gun forest (5%) and private forest(45%). The greater part of the forest soil, originated from granite and gneiss, is much liable to weathering. Because the surface soil is mostly sterile, the fertilization for improving the soil quality is strongly urged. Considering the above-mentioned, the forestation methods for improving landscape of the North Han River Watersheds are suggested as follows: 1) The mature-stage forest should be induced by means of fertilizing and tendering, as the forest in this area is the young plantation with poor soil. 2) The bare land should be afforested by planting the rapid growing species, such as rigida pine, alder, and etc. 3) The bare land in the canyon with moderate moist and comparatively rich soil should be planted with Korean-pine, larch, ro fir. 4) Japaness-pine stand should be changed into Korean-pine, fir, spruce or hemlock stand from ravine to top gradually, because the Japanese-pine has poor capacity of water conservation and great liability to pine gall midge. 5) Present hard-wood forest, consisting of miscellaneous trees comparatively less valuable from the point of wood quality and scenerity, should be change into oak, maple, fraxinus-rhynchophylla, birch or juglan stand which is comparatively more valuable. 6) In the mountain foot within the sight-range, stands should be established with such species as cherry, weeping willow, white poplar, machilus, maiden-hair tree, juniper, chestnut or apricot. 7) The regeneration of some broad-leaved forests should be induced to the middle forest type, leading to the harmonious arrangement of the two storied forest and the coppice. 8) For the preservation of scenery, the reproduction of the soft-wood forest should be done under the selection method or the shelter-wood system. 9) Mixed forest should be regenerated under the middle forest system with upper needle-leaved forest and lower broad-leaved forest. In brief, the nature's mysteriousness should be conserved by combining the womanly elegance of the lakes and the manly grandeur of the forest.

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