• 건축역사연구
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.7-26
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• 2012

Nakseonjae in Changdeokgung Palace was established at The King Hunjong's 13rd year (1847), the mid-19th century. It was constructed for own rests of King Hunjong and the residence of Kyungbin (king's concubines), and is showing features of upper-class houses from several points such as rustic architectural types by getting out of authoritative aspects as king's shelter space within the palace, block and floor distribution that separated spaces for men and women, simplicity in structures and styles, and non-colorful painting etc. This study aims at tracing on which architectural types did the upper-class houses within Hanyang (modern Seoul) at late Joseon Dynasty have and what was characteristics of Nakseonjae. The resemblance between Nakseonjae and the upper-class houses was very little differences from scale aspects, and floor plan shapes of Anchae (women's quarters) and Sarangchae (men's quarters) were followed basic common styles. Also, resemblance could be confirmed in the structural styles too. Characteristics of Nakseonjae are showing apparent differences from clearance compositions such as hall configuration etc. Nakseonjae was king's dwelling place, and spaces for house's collateral functions such as kitchen, stable, and warehouse etc together with shrine were unnecessary, and such places were substituted into servants' quarters for assisting the Royal family. In detailed structural styles, column's size was larger 3cm or more than the upper-class houses, and its height was higher to the degree of 30~60cm. Besides, formality as king's shelter space was raised more in decorating aspects, and Nakseonjae was implemented by getting architectural influences from Qing Dynasty of China. This study induced features of Hanyang's upper-class houses at the 19th century by supplementing distribution and space configurations at existing cases of Seoul and Gyeonggi area together with house diagrams having been collected by Gaokdohyung (site and floor plan) of Jangseogak Library, and confirmed resemblances and differences with Nakseonjae, that is, features of Nakseonjae. Through the result, this study judges a fact that architecture of Nakseonjae seemed to be affected from conveniences of upper-class houses within Hanseong, and also architectural styles and distribution types of Nakseonje would give influences to the upper-class houses.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.53-69
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• 2004

Located in a rear garden of Changdeok Palace, Yeonkyeong-Dang is valued as the most characteristic building of the houses of aristocrats of the later Joseon Dynasty. The time of the construction has been much debated, however, it is perceived through this research that the construction was completed in September 1827(the 27nd year of king Sunjo's reign). The shape of the buildings during this period resembles a letter ㄷ as shown in the picture of Dong-Kweol. We previously described that the purpose of Yeonkyeong-Dang was to carry the portrait of king Yikjong while keeping the shape of building when it was first established until the 8th year of king Heonjong (1842). In 1865 (the 2nd year of king Gojong's reign), it was reconstructed with very different outlook which has remained the present shape. The characteristic features of the residences of aristocrats were reflected in newly reconstructed Yeonkyeong-Dang. The structure was largely divided into two quarters that occupied by male and female residents respectively. The two quarters were bordered by fences and added with a study and a pavilion. The reconstruction was conducted by king Gojong's father, Daewon- Goon and its purpose was to prepare a separate house for the king and queen before the kings wedding that was about to come. During the 19th century, building an imitation of houses of aristocrats became quite a trend in the palace. Built in 1847, Nakseon-Jae was precedented and followed by Yeonkyeong-Dang. Also later Geoncheong Palace was built in Kyeongbok Palace in 1873. All of the three buildings imitated houses of aristocrats. Divided residences of male and female sections and splendid decorations were common features. Nakseon-Jae was the smallest in the structure of spaces, ornamentation of details and its sizes, Yeonkyeong-Dang was the second and Geoncheong Palace was the most distinguished building. The constructions of these three buildings created an innovative architectural wave in the 19th century palace. Yeonkyeong-Dang was the building that mediated the new flow of architectural structure in the 19th century palace.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.78-85
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• 2013

This study employed the Semantic Differential(SD) technique for an empirical analysis of the borrowed landscape-the so-called interaction of landscape between space and nature-in traditional Korean space against the cultural backdrop of confucian ideology. Its findings are as follows: First, the study conducted a comparative analysis of the borrowed landscape between Sarangchae(Men's quarters) and Anchae(Women's quarters) and between Soteuldaemun(A lofty gate) and Sadangdaemun(A gate to an ancestral shrine), using the SD technique. Consequently, their marked distinction in the borrowed landscape were found to illustrate the influence of confucian ideology over spatial composition. Second, both the garden and the sky of Sarangchae appeared more open and dynamic, and soft, and comfortable, and warm compared to Anchae. Also, Soteuldaemun looked more open and dynamic than Sadangdaemun. In conclusion, traditional Korean space applies a monistic view of the world to nature and human beings, thereby embodying a philosophical and aesthetic space where humans enjoy their life in harmony with nature while playing with the landscape in a traditional space.

• 한국전통조경학회지
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• 제38권2호
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• pp.60-76
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• 2020

본 연구는 전통정원의 가치 발굴과 재조명을 목적으로, 임실 이웅재고가의 공간적·시각적 배치 특성과 경관과 정원 구조를 검토하여 전통정원으로서의 문화재적 가치를 부상시키기 위한 목적으로 시도되었다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 고가가 입지한 둔덕리 동촌마을은 배산임수의 전형적인 형국으로 3개로 모인 물줄기 북측에 전착후관한 집성촌을 이루고 있다. 단구대와 삼계석문의 경승을 갖는 동촌마을은 노적봉과 계관봉은 안산(案山)으로 한 '지네가 하늘을 나는 형국(飛天蜈蚣形)'의 길지로 이해된다. 이웅재고가는 16C 중반 춘성정 이담손에 의해 조영된 전북지역에 현존하는 가장 오래된 고가이자 조선 왕실가문의 종가로 추정된다. 임진왜란 및 일제강점기 일본에 저항한 충정과 대문채의 효자정려 그리고 편액과 주련에 담긴 충효의 가풍은 물리적인 가옥의 가치를 부상시키는 요소가 되기에 충분하다. 경사진 지형에 거스르지 않게 배치된 사랑채나 안채의 배치 그리고 높은 돈대에 올린 사랑채는 최대한 원경을 차경하는 효과를 거두며 왕가 건물로서의 위엄성과 위계성을 높이고 있다. 또한 사주문과 중문을 통한 안채 진입방식, 넓은 후원과 채원의 할애 그리고 안채에 배려된 공루 등의 가옥 구성은 일반 사대부가에 비해 매우 독특하다. 그러나 전후관계로 보면 사당을 주변으로 넓은 후원을 안배함으로써 유교적 이상을 실현하는 한편 자연과의 조화를 꾀하고 있다. 한편 지금은 교란·훼손되었으나 외원에는 비교적 넓은 면적을 갖는 방지원도형(方池圓島型)의 지당(池塘)이 존재했던 것으로 확인된다. 고가에서 주목되는 식재수종은 후원의 소나무, 팽나무, 감나무, 매화, 홍단풍 그리고 측정의 산수유를 비롯하여 외원의 자두나무 등이다. 석축 위로 조성된 화계는 고가의 정원상을 가장 명료하게 보여주는 공간으로 정원 특성을 잘 간직한 공간이지만 화계 식생경관에 어울리지 않게 종 다양성과 사당에 어울리지 않는 화려함이 극도로 높아 식재의 짜임새를 상실한 느낌이다. 이웅재고가는 조선 전기 궁궐 밖에 조성된 궁가(宮家) 건축의 한 단면을 보여줄 수 있는 조영물이라는 점에서 문화재적 가치가 매우 높다. 이와 같은 연구 결과를 바탕으로 이웅재고가의 관리 개선방안을 제안하였다.

• 핵의학기술
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.93-97
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• 2009

2006년~2008년 2사분기까지의 2.5년간의 환자 건수는 14,674건이었으며, $^{18}F$-FDG 평균 주사량은 461.5 MBq 였다. 2.5년간 순환근무는 3회 이루어졌고, 10명의 방사선사 중 PET과 Gamma 영역별 1인을 제외한 8명의 순환근무가 시행되었다. 추가로 2008년 3인의 신입인력이 야간에 투입되어 이에 대한 평가도 이루어졌다. 방사선사의 근무연한은 15년 이상이 2인, 10~15년이 3인, 5~10년이 1인, 5년 미만이 3인이었다. 이들의 개인별 피폭선량은 먼저 PET실에 근무를 하고 있을 때가 Gamma 영역에 근무하고 있을 때 보다 더 높게 나왔다. 가장 큰 원인으로는 일일 처리 건수 면에서 PET과 Gamma영역의 차이가 거의 없는 상태에서 $^{99m}Tc$보다는 상대적으로 에너지가 높은 $^{18}F$-FDG를 사용하는데 있다고 본다. 특히 개인별 피폭선량도 근무연한에 따른 분기별 평가에서 서로 다르게 나타났다. 또한 순환근무 초기 1개월째보다는 업무의 연속성을 익힌 3개월째에 더 낮은 피폭선량을 보여 주고 있다. 이는 PET 실의 근무연한이 길수록 업무의 숙달도가 증가하여 개인별 피폭선량은 감소하는 것으로 보인다. 예약실에 근무하는 간호사의 피폭선량은 $^{18}F$-FDG 주사 후 짧은 시간에 환자와의 접촉이 이루어지고 있어 그리 큰 문제점을 보이지는 않았다. 그러나 임신 가능성이 있는 간호사일 경우는 이를 재고해 보아야할 필요가 있다. 순환 근무를 통한 장시간 PET/CT실을 벗어난 상황이 될 경우 대부분의 근무자가 초기 1개월에서 업무의 연속성 결여 및 개인별 피폭선량 증가라는 위험성을 내포하였다. PET/CT 환자의 증가에 따른 PET/CT실 전체의 과도한 피폭을 분산하기 위한 순환 근무제의 도입이 또 다른 문제점을 갖고 있음을 알 수 있다.5,6) 이를 해결하기 위해서는 근무자의 업무재교육과 순환 및 고정 근무제의 적절한 병행을 시행할 필요가 있다고 본다. 또한 고정 근무자는 순환 근무 인력들의 이런 문제점을 해결하기 위해 업무영역에서 표준화된 업무지침서 등을 만들어야 한다.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제53권4호
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• pp.118-135
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• 2020

우리나라 사대부 민가 정원 중 그 형태는 물론 정원의 구조와 기능 등이 온전히 남아 있는 경우는 흔치 않다. 경기도 가평군 상면에 위치한 이천보 고가(경기도문화재자료 제55호)는 명문가로서의 내력이나 장소성 그리고 잔존하는 건물과 자연문화재 등의 측면에서 매우 가치 있는 정원 유산으로 판단되지만, 현재는 사랑채를 제외하고는 그 진가를 찾을 수 없다. 본 연구는 이천보 고가를 비롯하여 경기 북부와 가평군 관내 민가 정원의 배치 양식 등을 문헌 연구, 현장 연구, 1954년 항공사진 비교 검토 그리고 관련자 인터뷰 등을 통해 조사 분석함으로써 이천보 고가의 가치를 조명하고, 이천보 고가의 정원 원형을 추론하는 등 산림채와 정원 복원 가능성을 타진하였다. 본 연구에서는 정원의 장소성이 그나마 잘 보존된 반계천 일대의 반계동문(磻溪洞門) 암각서와 반석암의 존재를 통해 외원의 영역과 경관상을 살피고 이천보 고가의 입지 및 풍수 형국 그리고 조망축을 해석하였다. 이와 함께 사랑채에 걸린 상고당(尙古堂), 반계정사(磻溪精舍) 그리고 옥경산방(玉聲山房) 3개의 편액을 통해 사랑채의 경관성과 용도 및 상징성을 추론하였다. 더불어 내원에 현존하거나 존재했던 수목에 대해서는 실측 조사를 병행한 결과, 연하리향나무(경기도기념물 제61호)는 안내판이나 문화재 정보 등의 실제 규격보다도 과소평가되고 있는 것으로 확인되었을 뿐 아니라 행랑채 전면에 잔존하는 향나무 또한 제원 조사 후 재평가가 이루어져야 할 것이다. 그리고 내원에 남아 있는 사랑채와 이전된 행랑채의 배치와 형태 그리고 사랑채 누마루와 지붕 측면부 합각 형태의 비대칭성 등을 통해 소실된 안채의 모습을 유추하였다. 또한 소실된 안채 및 사당 등의 복원을 통해 정원의 완전성을 추구할 목적으로 원래 모습을 추정한 결과, 안채는 사랑채 우측(북쪽)에 '구(口)자' 또는 '튼구(口)자'형태로 배치되었을 것으로 추정되었다. 이와 같은 결과를 종합하여 이천보 고가에 대한 복원 대안을 제시하였다.

• 한국농촌건축학회논문집
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.9-15
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• 2014

Pungsu acts as a strong guideline for selecting a location of the village having a certain geographical condition. The attitude of choosing an auspicious site regarding the shape of mountains and water stream, is widely accepted by the intelligent class of Josen period. Therefore, the theory is one of the main factor influenced on the traditional village and house in Korea. Regarding the fact that a real effect of pungsu on the formation of traditional village and house, Study with a view of Pungsu theory could be a good method for deeply understanding the traditional architecture in Korea. In this context, the study analyzes the site and space lay out of an upper class house of vice minister Lee(Lee, Jung Ryul, 1868~1950) in Oeam historic village with Pungsu theory. The house is composed of Anchae(house for the women) and Sanrangchae(house for the men and receiving guests) and Hangrangchae(servants' quarters). Through the study, It finds out that the house is carefully selected and planned considering surrounding physical environment so called Jusan(back hill), Ansan(front hill), Choengyong(blue dragon) and Beckho(white tiger) of Pungsu theory.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.115-123
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• 2015

It is commonly known that upper class house in Chosun Dynasty has characteristics of connecting space in combination with 'Chae' and 'Madang'. But living territory of traditional residence is connected each other by means of the necessity of dwelling life. So, it can be a fragmentary understanding about traditional houses to consider it as connecting space only from the viewpoint of visual perception. Residential space in later Chosun Dynasty is affected by practical life-style rather than building principle of 'Confucianism' due to the erosion of the caste system and the spread of the modern residential culture. So, it is necessary to consider dwelling life at that time in order to understand spatial characteristics of the residences. Researcher made an assumption that these characteristics were observed in the emerging upper class houses which appear in the process of change of the caste system rather than the traditional upper class houses. The researcher investigated connecting space from 'Bakat-ma-dang' to An-ma-dang of the emerging upper class houses in Gyong-gi province. The goal of this study is to find the properties of connecting space related to dwelling life of the emerging upper class houses in Gyong-gi Province. With this study, the followings are the characteristics of connecting space in emerging upper class houses in later Chosun Dynasty. First, 'An-ma-dang(Courtyard)' comes into close contact with 'Bakat-chae(Outer quarters)' which accommodate the complex functions, 'An-ma-dang' plays an mediating role between 'An-chae' and 'Bakat-chae' Second, 'Bakat-chae' generally encases 'An-ma-dang' which is central territories of dwelling life, and the men's area of 'Bakat-chae' considerably has opening space towards the outside. Third, 'Anmadang' plays an mediating role of male's and female's living territory, and it plays an important role in connecting space where labor forces are concentrated.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제26권10호
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• pp.1424-1435
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• 2002

This study is about women's veils from Chosen period housed in various museums and see how they reflect the escalating inequality between the two sexes based on Confucianism and its social ramifications including the strict rules that kept women from freely communicating or staying in same quarters with men from tender age. I first visited various museums to see what kind of veils they had in their collections and then looked at reproductions, museum catalogues, and other studies to get a better understanding of the designs, colors, and fabrics of the veils in each collection and came to following conclusions:. 1. I looked at 26 veils of 7 different sues both in person and in museum catalogues, and they included a Neouls,3 Myunsas, l2Jahngots,4 Chuneuis,1 Sahkgat 3Junmos, and 1 Garima. Various documents attest to the existence of one more style of veil,1. e. skirt-shaped veil, but there was no specimen of the type. 2. Museums had various types of veils for women, but most of them dated from late Chosun period. 3. Female veils in Chosun period had dearly-defined characteristics depending on their wearers. Each type had its own fabric color, and form, so one could tell the status of the wearer just by looking at it 4. The veils that I found at museums around the country had following characteristics: . Neoul was worn by high-class women and it covered up the face better than other types of veils. Myunsa was also caned Myunsapo, and it featured brilliant gold foils to mark the salted status of the wearer. Jahngot was originally a robe for both sexes but it turned into a type of veil for low-class females in late am period and there were more Jangots in museum collections than my other type of veils. Chuneui has various styles and it has a cotton lining so low-class women wore it to both cover the face and to stay worn Sahkgat was worn by low-class women for its convenience. Junmo was elaborately decorated and showy, and it was worn by courtesans. Garima was worn by courtesans or professional women in medicine, and unlike other type of veils, it showed the face of the wearer.

• 대한간호
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• 제31권2호
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• pp.51-69
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• 1992

Grief that is not acknowledged and worked through may manifest itself in some emotional, mental or physical problem. In recent years much has been learned about coping with grief which the hospice program can utilize to help family members cope with their grief. This study was carried out to determine the helpfulness of the bereavement care of Severance Hospice and to learm more about the grief response of the bereaved. The tools used to collect data were an assessment form used in the bereavement program and the Grief Experience Inventory developed by Sanders and revised and translated 'by the researcher. Data was obtained from bereaved family members(54 for the final grief assessment and 39 for the grief response assessment) receiving bereavement follow-up, from July 1989 to March 1991. Results of the study were as follows: 1. Final Grief Assessment Regarding the resolution of their grief the majority of the bereaved accepted the reality of the death of their family member, while slightly more than three-quarters were able to express their feelings toward their loss. A large majority had returned to activities of daily living well or fairly well and had reinvested their energy in a person other than the deceased. In addition, the physical condition of the majority was good or fairly good. A majority of the bereaved considered the bereavement care to be helpful and almost three-quarters were not considered to be in need of more follow-up. 2. Grief Response Assessment Age was found to have a modoerately positive correlation to appetite disturbance(r=.41, P<.Ol) and loss of vigor(r=.37, P<.Ol) A moderately positive correlation was found between the number of contacts and sleep disturbance(r=2.38, P<.01) Significant differences were found between men and women in regard to guilt(t=2.38, P<.05), social isolation(t=2.44, P<.05) and depersonalization(t=2.07, P<.05) with men having the more intense grief. Significant differences were found in the grief responses of somatization(F=5.82, P<.001), physical symptoms(F=5.87, P<.OOl), appetite disturbance(F=4.40, P<.Ol), despair(3.79, P<,Ol), anger(Fp2.83, P<.05), social isolation(F=3.61, P<.05), guilt(F=3.62, P<.05) and depersonalization (F = 2.58, P <.05). In the first six of these grief responses mothers scored highest, followed by husbands and then wives, In the grief response of guilt, daughters scored highest and on the grief response of depersonalization sons scored highest. Only one grief response, that of sleep disturbance(t= -2.19, P<.05) was found to be statistically significant, with those family members who died at home having the higher scores. Based on the results of this study several suggestions are presented as follows: 1. Since unresolived grief can have a detrimental effect on the bereaved person's mental and phys. ical health it would be good for the nurse, to include questions related to death of family members and the bereaved person's response to the grief, in her nursing assessment. And in the case of unresolved grief the nurse should encourage the person to talk with a trusted friend or counselor and express their fellings of grief. 2. A study to determine the degree of resolution of the grief of those in the bereavement program could be carried out by use of the Grief Experience Inventory early in their bereavement and again 13 months after the death of their family member. 3. A comparison of the grief response of the bereaved in the bereavement program and bereaved not in the program could be carried out using the Grief Experience Inventory. 4. After bereavement programs have been started in other hospice programs it would be good to carry out a joint study of bereavement outcomes of those in the bereavement programs.