• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.416-427
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• 2010

In this study, we attempted to elucidate the cultural characteristics of Korean food based on a traditional understanding on the Korean novel. To achieve this, food characteristics related to 'rites of passage' were analyzed in the representative Korean literary work "Hon-bool", which describes the life of a first-son's wife every three generations in the going to ruin but historic 'Lee's family of Maean district' family and the life of the common 'Geomeong-gul' people who lived with farming on the Lee's land at Namwon of Junbook province in the 1930~1940s, during the Japanese Colonial rule. Every nation possesses rites of passage at important points in life, such as at birth, age of majority, wedding and death. Korean culture, in particular, has several memorial rites relating to birth, death and passage into the afterlife in which special foods are prepared. In this manner, ceremonial foods represent the Korean peoples' traditional vision of the universe and life. The book "Hon-bool" describes these traditions. Especially, the book describes the table-settings related to the main character's childbirth, first birthday, wedding and death. Therefore "Hon-bool" represents a living history of Korean traditional food and the work of storytelling through the traditional understanding is expected that perform an important role in making of cultural contents of Korean foods.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.115-143
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to analyze contents and process of rites about sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums in early Joseon Dynasty, and to conclude, to review the position of Royal Mausoleums in the whole National Rites System. The sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums started from building Royal Mausoleums of 8 persons-ancestors since King T'aejo's great-great-grandparents, in 1392, founding Joseon Dynasty. In 1408, King T'aejo had died and his Kŏnwŏnnŭng (健元陵) was builted in Yangju, Gyeonggi-do. Since then, after kings of many generations died, each of Royal Mausoleums was builted solemnlly. In the process of this, sacrificial rituals modified and supplemented, especially during the reign of king Sejong(1418~1450). After all, the sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums was settled in KukchoOryeūi(國朝五禮儀, Five State Rites) compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong. In process of Institutionalization of sacrificial rituals, the argument between king and vassals about four-seasons' ancestral rites was properly or not was occurred. That was because the memorial times of Royal Mausoleums overlaped Chongmyo's and more important Chongmyo's ancestral rites was neglected. But four-seasons' ancestral rites of Royal Mausoleums was continued until 17th century. Sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums as royal personal rites had simple processes compared to sacrificial rites of Chongmyo, upper-graded formal ancestral rites, under National Rites system. Justifying to served his parents with devotion, the kings in early Joseon Dynasty went to Royal Mausoleums 2-3 times annually. During coming and going, he show off his presence as king in power to his subjects through magnificent guard of honor. On the one hand, he met his subjects directly and acceded to various petition. Above all things, The kings in early Joseon Dynasty emphasized his military power through military training, namely, hunting, disposition of troops, and so on.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.7-32
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• 2012

The exhibition was started in 2010 in the New Acropolis Museum of Athens and embarked a journey since 2011 as a travelling exhibition inside Greece and abroad. The main purpose of the exhibition was to draw attention of the general public to the value of the 'rescue excavation' and of cultural heritage of Greece, by presenting the reconstruction bust of a girl whose skull was found in Kerameikos cemetery of ancient Athens. The new Kerameikos excavation was initiated by the construction of Metropolitan Railway lines in the center of Athens between 1992 to 1998. It revealed a pit of a mass burial where about 150 people were inhumed in a very hasty way without proper funeral rites or offerings. These bodies are identified as the victims of the infamous plague of Athens in the first years of the Peloponnesian War(430-426 BC). The epidemic disease killed almost one third of the city population including Pericles, and brought extreme fear and panic to the Athens society. The traditional funerary rites were totally disrupted, and the social decorum and the morality among the citizens became enfeebled. The plague and the civil war were the decisive factors to end the Golden Age of Democratic Athens. However, the exhibition organizers did not focus on the tragic aspect of this disaster and its casualties. Their main concern was to simplify the scholarly works of archaeological excavation and microchemistry analysis so that the exhibition viewers will easily understand and empathize the living value of the scholarly works of ancient Greek civilization. The centripetal element of the exhibition was the vivid face of an 11 years old ancient girl 'Myrtis', which was carefully reconstructed based on both the scientific data and artistic imagination. Also the set up of the exhibition was structured in order to stimuli cognitive and emotional experience of the visitors who witnessed the rebirth of a vibrant human being from an ancient debris. The museologists' continuous efforts to promote projects of contemporary artists, publications, and school programs related to the exhibition indicate that the ulterior motive of this exhibition is the cultural education of the present and future generation through the intimate experiences of ancient Greek life. Also this is the reason why the various museums that held the travelling exhibition try to make the presentation as a gesture of memorial service for an anonymous Athenian girl who deceased circa 2400 years ago. The pragmatic efforts of Greek scholars and museologists through exhibition show us a way to find a solution to the continuous threat of cultural resources by massive construction projects and land development, and to overcome public indifference to the history and cultural heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.83-102
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• 1999

The several sacrificial rites foods in east coast areas Kyungpook province, Pohang, Youngduk, and Uljin, were surveyed. For the anniversary menorial service, the food items in these reas were mainly rice(Bab'), soup(Guk'), stew(Tang'), fruits, neats and fishes, alcohol which are the typical food items for any other area in Korea. In this east coast area, the seaweed was used more often than in inner land area for this rite food. Four kinds of rice cake(Ddeok' or Pyun') were surveyed for this rite. For the baked food item(Geuk'), the fish squid and the Alaska pollack were used frequently for Geuk'. For the fruits dishes, 3 items were the basic. Tang' which was made with the various fishes, were used very frequently. For the religious memorial service for god to guard the household, the displayed food items were different from depending on the type of the god to guard the household, however, the general display of the food items was almost the same as in land area. For the winter sacrificial rite, the boiled rice(97%) and Bakpyun' was used mostly for the Ddeok'. For the Guk', bean sprout was used mostly, however, the seaweed soup was also used(7%). The fish Tang' was the most used one(35%). For young-deung-je', which implied th safe guard of the household, most of the food items are similar to those of the normal sacrificial rite, however, the fishes which were not fishy were used. The housekeeper arranged the rite to catch a large amount of the fishes and to hope the wellbeing of the household, Poong-yer-je is so called as Byul-sin-gud'(a practice of an exorciser). The food items for this Poong-yer-je' were almost similar to those of the winter sacrificial rite, however, Geulpyun' was mostly used for the Pyun'. In addition that, the red-bean Si-ruddock', Baekpyun', and Yung-ddock'(a dragon cake) were used for this rite, At the end of the sacrificial rite, Yong-ddock' was served to the dragon king which was believed in sea.

• Culinary science and hospitality research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.135-154
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• 2004

This study surveyed ancestral service preparation and sacrificial consciousness of housewives living in Pusan and Yeosu area. Statistical analysis of chi-square test was carried out by using SAS program. The results are summarized as follows. l. In major general characteristics of subjects, the forties(35.56%), Buddhism (57.79%), high school education(52.54%), a couple with children(63.45%) were the most abundant. 2. The time of sacrificial rites in both areas was usually hold from 23:00 to 01:00 (47.16%). The housewives having a job hold earlier the service than the full-time housewives(p<0.05). 3. The range of ancestor-memorial rites was usually up to 3rd generation(34.47%). The leader of sacrificial ceremony was mainly the eldest grandson by the eldest son (78.28%) in the old subjects and a person of wealth in the young subjects(p<0.05). 4. There were more positive answers for the necessity of a sacrificial ceremony (57.32%). Older than 50 years of subjects thought the sacrificial rites should be held(70.77%), while as the age of subjects was younger, they realized less necessity for that(p<0.05). Sacrificial consciousness was higher in Buddhists than the other religionists(p<0.0001). The sacrificial rites was thought to be needed for their harmonious family(50.43%). Younger subjects thought that it is necessary to succeed that as the tradition, while older housewives thought that it would contribute toward peace in their family(p<0.05). Buddhists and Christians answered that it was good for harmonious family, and Catholics and the others for tradition(p<0.01). Their consideration of sacrificial rites in the future was higher in keeping the traditional practice (37.04%) and Buddhists took higher these consideration(43.17%). Considering the sacrificial consciousness, there were statistical differences among the religionists (p<0.0001). The eldest daughter-in-raw had a different opinion about the following up the method of sacrificial ceremony from second eldest daughter-in-raw and the next one(p<0.05). The housewives in Pusan were showing more the affirmative attitudes to keep the traditional practice than those in Yeosu.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.387-395
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• 2015

This study analyzed the Importance-Performance Analysis (IPA) of purchase behaviors and attributes for Hangwa. The data for this study were collected over 10 days from April 10 through April 19, 2013. For empirical research, married women over the age of 20 in Gwangju with buying experience of Hangwa were surveyed. A total of 172 questionnaires were completed and statistically analyzed by SPSS 18.0 package. Analysis rate was 96.6%. To review Hangwa purchase behaviors, most respondents bought Hangwa four or five times per year for memorial services or ancestral rites. Respondents bought Hangwa at big supermarkets and the types of Hangwa bought were Yukwa and Yakgwa. Their average expenses were 20,000 to 30,000 won per purchase. Among purchase attributes of Hangwa, respondents considered the importance of 'sanitation' (4.76 points) a top priority, followed by 'origin' (4.75 points), 'quality' (4.74 points), 'taste' (4.57 points) and 'appearance' (3.82 points). However in the case of satisfaction, 'sanitation' (3.85 points) was the most satisfying aspect, followed by 'package' (3.82 points), 'amount' (3.80 points), 'appearance' (3.51 points) and 'taste' (3.41 points). According to the IPA results, 'quality' and 'origin' purchase attributes, should be quickly improved. 'Sanitation' and 'taste' should be maintained. This survey found that satisfaction levels for Hangwa purchase attributes had a significant influence on overall satisfaction (F=29.11, p<.001), and especially 'taste' ($\beta$=.42, t=6.69, p<.001) had a meaningful effect on overall satisfaction. In addition, satisfaction levels for Hangwa purchase attributes affected repurchase intention (F=20.05, p<.001). From these results, Hangwa manufacturers should make efforts in product development to induce customers satisfaction and repurchase intention.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.509-547
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• 2019

The cocoon breeding related national ritual ceremony exercised from the beginning time of Joseon is the 'clothing culture' that has taken its role in the ritual ceremony where it demonstrates the resolution of a state that placed importance in 'things to wear'. During the reign of King Seongjong, it enhanced the level of importance by adding the 'procedure to pick up the mulberry leaved by the queen personally'. During the reign of King Youngjo, the implication of the ritual ceremony was even more expanded that there was an new emergence of new type of national ceremony for the Joseon Era with its first ritual ceremony for woman to personally administer the memorial ceremony to the 'woman divinity' in addition to the 'Jakheonrye' procedure to personally present by the queen for the cocoon breeding. This is intended to meet the status of chingyeonguirye (farming-friendly ceremony) with King Youngjo to personally cultivate the dry field after administering Seonnongje (good harvest paying ceremony) that it is conspicuously demonstrating the importance of farming and cocoon breeding activities. As a result, the Chinjam (a type of ceremony that queen personally breeds cocoon for fabrics) related ceremonial rite that was rearranged during the reign of King Youngjo was settled into 11 ceremonial rites with the expansion of its contents. It ranges from the procedure to leave the palace for carrying out the ritual ceremony to the procedure for the crown princess and Hyebin-gung to accompany the queen, ritual for the queen to devote the Jakheonrye to exercise Chinjam, the ritual for the king to announce his royal message, johyeonui (morning assembly) exercised after completing Chinjam, it is the ritual for the queen to receive the box that contained the cocoon. This type of ritual ceremony is a significant expansion when compared with the exercise carried out earlier and it is part of characteristics displayed for ritual overhaul trend in the reign of King Youngjo. In the main procedures of these ceremonial rites, the music is accompanied and the music includes folk music, inspiration and so forth. The Chinjam related ritual ceremony in the reign of King Youngjo was established in the direction to establish it as the ritual ceremony for a woman who had the divine role of the seonjamje ritual to administer the ritual in a way of having the justification and reality to be consistent.