• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.25 no.11
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• pp.1613-1620
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• 2022

Through previous studies, it was found that news from legacy media, including television, has an agenda-setting effect and priming effect on the perceptions and attitudes of audiences about politics and war, and that film media also has an agenda-setting effect and political priming effect on war issues. However, it is difficult to find studies on the effects of war-related TV documentaries on media audiences. Therefore, in this study, An experimental study was conducted to investigate whether there is a change in 'recognition of the importance of security', 'will for South-North Unification' and 'will to participate in war in case of emergency' for the audience who watched the KBS special <100 Days of Invasion of Ukraine, Part 1 into the Fire>. As a result of the analysis, it was found that watching a war-related TV documentary reinforced the audience's 'recognition of the importance of security' and 'will for South-North Unification'. However, it was confirmed that watching a war-related TV documentary did not strengthen the audience's will to participate in war in case of emergency.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.33-39
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• 2009

This study tested a path model of agenda building examining the relationship among the media, the public and the presidential statements on the issue of drug abuse during the Bush administration's War on Drugs. The results showed that a dynamic and interactive relationship among aforementioned actors. First, the real-world conditions strongly increased both media coverage and presidential statements. Second, the news media and president influenced each other. Third, public concern, however, did not function as a significant factor in agenda-building process in this study. The result of this study indicates that Bush was not utterly a reactive or proactive president in terms of his relationship with the media. That is, news media and the president interacted regarding the drug issues; the relationship between President Bush and the media for drug issues was reciprocal.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.347-357
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• 2019

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to present a method for effectively conducting discussion-based training in disaster response safety training. Method: To this end, we analyzed the disaster response training of developed countries and suggested the training scenarios by applying the war-game process that is currently applied in the operation planning of our military. Result: In one disaster situation, several contingencies could be identified, and supplementary requirements for the manual could be derived. Conclusion: Therefore, in conclusion, if the military war-game process is applied to the discussion-based training in disaster response safety training, effective training can be carried out.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.115-167
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to investigate coverage patterns of the Korean internet news media on 'US-Iraq War' and its meaning and discourse structure. The internet news media was recently established and become a popular news media to compete with old news media in Korea. The author selected the 'Oh My News' as a representative internet news media for his analysis, and collected its news items from Mar. 20, 2003 to Dec. 17, 2003. on the basis of 4 different phases of the war. He analysed the whole of news items with various semiotic and discourse analytic methods, especially applying for Bell's concepts of time and discourse structure. As a result of this study, first of all, it was found that the 'Oh My News' tended to cover this war so different ways as the old news media did. It did not pay attention to the procedure of war, especially, battlefields, fighting between US and Iraq, damages and casualties. But, instead, it paid attention to many doubts about intention of US government and the President, Bush, dichotomous shift between pro-America and anti-America, rightness of dispatching Korean army into Iraq, etc. Secondly, it functioned as a kind of alternative media to speak up different voices comparing with those of old media. It tended to suggest different perspectives and opinions, while the old media tended to follow American perspectives and opinions. Thirdly, it became as a kind of new media setting agendas for this war in Korean society. It played a very important role for setting agendas for various issues related with this war. In conclusion, the internet news media has recently become a kind of new news media for suggesting alternative or different opinions, setting agendas, initiating discourses, etc., even though it still has may problems of becoming so called orthodox news media.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.12-24
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to analyze design characteristics of Korean War Memorials(KWM) in the United States(KWMUS). Through site survey and internet searching, the researcher selected 25 KWMUS and analyzed four analysis categories: design concept, spatial form, landscape details, and sculptures. The results are as follows: 1. The analysis revealed that main concepts of KWMUS were to cherish victims of the Korean War, show membership/locality/patriotism, express feelings and the meaning of war, and explain the Korean War realistically and symbolically. 2. Most KWMUS in memorial parks and plazas were designed to pursue the completion of each memorial assuming the form of typical and symmetrical circles and squares. Also, spatial order including spatial sequence was seen in some of KWMUS. 3. Stone walls, stone monument, flags, emblems and paving were used as main landscape details. The map of the Korean peninsula and Taegeuk were often introduced to symbolize Korea and the Korean War, and the symbolic phrase, 'Forgotten War' or 'Freedom is Not Free' were written on the stone to keep the Korean War in the minds of Americans. 4. Sculptures were used as important media to represent the Korean War in a variety of ways. Most of them were formed realistically, except for a few sculptures that aimed to represent the Korean War symbolically and narratively. In particular, the sculptures in Washington D.C. KWVM and Minnesota KWM were remarkable as symbolic media of war memorials in contemporary society. Further study will be required to analyze comparatively KWM in Korea and the U.S. and to understand characteristics of KWM in the point of design style.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.5
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• pp.889-910
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• 2011

Heracles has been adored as one of the bravest mythical heroes all times and all places because it was thought that he protected his people and lands from invasion, plunder, or enslavement. However, I argue Heracles should be criticized as a war machine of violence and murder. War is homicide itself, which means humans kill humans, unlike other violent and sensual animals such as dogs, apes or pigs. It is ironically ambivalent to celebrate an excellent hero in homicide in this age of nuclear weapons. This irony leads to S. Freud's 'Death instinct' or Malcolm Potts's 'war genes'. Unlike Freud, Malcolm Potts insists that humans' war genes can be changed into peace genes because they were just remains of Stone Age. According to Apollodoros' myth or Euripides' tragedies, he was mad enough to kill his own sons and wife after he had murdered the king Lycos in Thebes. Though Rene Girard says that his madness was derived from contagion of violence and blood, I think that his madness came from horrible experiences of cruel wars as well as Hera's maltreatment in his childhood. It will be demonstrated to be war neurosis, that is, PTSD(Posttraumatic Stress Disorder). In a different way from the modern media in which Heracles is being glorified as a purest macho and war machine, his old myths show the ambivalence of his violence and murder, and his daily misfortunes owing to his madness. In this sense, his myth is a kind of warning to the humans not to kill each other, or to stop wars.

• Korean Linguistics
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• v.72
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• pp.199-225
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• 2016

This study has two main purposes: to establish a list of source domains in the metaphors for Middle East respiratory syndrome (MERS) and to uncover ideological meanings embedded in them in Korean news reports from KBS and JTBC. The first part of this study presents metaphors such as [MERS IS WAR], [MERS IS WAVE], [MERS IS A LIVING THING], and [MERS IS A THING], which were found in the data. The latter part of this study deals with how the two broadcasting companies use these metaphors differently according to their ideologies. In the metaphor of [MERS IS WAR], KBS tends to show less of the agents who controls the war since the war against MERS has failed which casts responsibility to the controlling agents, the government and big hospitals. In this, KBS tries to present less of the information of the responsible agents that presented in JTBC. Through the metaphor of [MERS IS WAVE], KBS presents the aftermath of MERS as something not serious. Compared to JTBC, KBS tends to suggest that the aftermath of MERS is predominantly an economic effects by metaphorically suggesting that predominantly the economic sector got hit by MERS.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.13-30
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• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.