• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.13-30
• /
• 2017

Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.5-35
• /
• 2014

This study attempts to give a review of social media users' choice of a particular name for the sake of signaling identity cues and interaction with the others. The social media names could be classified into different categories such as traditional/cultural anthroponyms, nicknames and fictitious IDs etc. Out of these categories, it is the phenomenon of choice and construction of fictitious social media IDs by Pakistani social media users which has been reviewed and scrutinized in this particular article. This study examined fictitious IDs of Pakistani social media users from Critical Discourse Analysis and System Functional Linguistics perspectives and demonstrates how nationalistic, ethnic and religious identities are negotiated, constructed, deconstructed and reconstructed by the social media users through a particular ID choice.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
• /
• v.17 no.6
• /
• pp.89-102
• /
• 2017

This study aims at examining our social recognition on and the topographic map of a game through the discourse analysis on games shown from the Korean media coverage. Media don't reflect the reality as a mirror but represent it in certain manner. If so, how Korean media organize and represent the meaning of a game? This study analyzed the game discourse from 479 articles on games by 5 daily newspapers including Chosun, Joongang, Dong-A, Kyunghyang and the Hankyoreh during 4 years' Park Geun-hye administration. Research findings show that as a single issue frames of game addiction, addiction damages and AR games including $Pok\acute{e}mon$ Go counted for much reaching up to nearly half but discourse on the play culture as an essence of a game occupied only 3.8%.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
• /
• v.17 no.11
• /
• pp.2966-2986
• /
• 2023

Climate change is a constant threat to human life, and it is important to understand the public perception of this issue. Previous studies examining climate change have been based on limited survey data. In this study, the authors used big data such as news articles and social media data, within which the authors selected specific keywords related to climate change. Using these natural language data, topic modeling was performed for discourse analysis regarding climate change based on various topics. In addition, before applying topic modeling, sentiment analysis was adjusted to discover the differences between discourses on climate change. Through this approach, discourses of positive and negative tendencies were classified. As a result, it was possible to identify the tendency of each document by extracting key words for the classified discourse. This study aims to prove that topic modeling is a useful methodology for exploring discourse on platforms with big data. Moreover, the reliability of the study was increased by performing topic modeling in consideration of objective indicators (i.e., coherence score, perplexity). Theoretically, based on the social amplification of risk framework (SARF), this study demonstrates that the diffusion of the agenda of climate change in public news media leads to personal anxiety and fear on social media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.58
• /
• pp.130-153
• /
• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.164-186
• /
• 2010

Korean society, suffered from a severe currency crisis in 1997, had scarcely missed another market meltdown in 2008. However, neither economic fundamentals nor has political stability little to do with the recent crises. This paper thus projects the possibility of 'self-fulfilling crisis' in which the media took a critical part in amplifying 'crisis discourses.' For the purpose of understanding of media's impact on such a crisis, at first, this paper chose 'September Crisis in 2008' as a case study. While collecting news articles about the crisis, then, total 118 news articles collected from mainstream newspapers such as DongA-ilbo and Money Today have been analyzed in terms of media frame and discourse strategies. Research results showed that not only has the crisis discourse been shifted by economic situations, but the media re-constructed economic realities in way of justifying their political ideology and loyal readership. Taking those findings into consideration, in final, the authors urged the media to improve their performance by embracing more responsible and professional manners.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.25 no.3
• /
• pp.143-180
• /
• 2019

This article aims to examine the manner in which the 'Byeongmat' discourse was constructed, and the mechanism of the 'Byeongmat' discourse. I claim that the constructed discourse excludes disabled persons and women. When the 'Byeongmat' first appeared in the mainstream, it was understood as being presented only by webtoons. Furthermore 'Byeongmat' and webtoons were understood as almost synonymous. In this sense, it is no exaggeration to say that the way in which the 'Byeongmat' discourse was constructed is the way in which 'Byeongmat webtoons' were interpreted. In this article, to find out how the 'Byeongmat' discourse was constructed, I examine two things. First, the reception of media of 'Byeongmat'. 'Byeongmat' was at first understood as 'kitsch' by the media, but soon after generational meaning was added. Second, the interpretation of 'Byeongmat' in academia. In academia, the 'Byeongmat' discourse is advanced as a refined generationalism. Regardless of the 'Byeongmat webtoon' itself, 'Byeongmat webtoon' is interpreted as a text which is destructing narrative and filled with parodies. Furthermore this characteristic of the 'Byeongmat webtoon' is interpreted as a resistance culture of the younger generation. However, this interpretation serves as a mechanism which excludes the disabled and women. Currently, Korean society faces the popularization of the 'Byeongmat' code, the decline of the 'Byeongmat webtoons' and the crack of the younger generation discourse. The current situation allows the 'Byeongmat' discourse to be criticized without losing its social context while securing a distance of critcism. I expect that this article can contribute to further diversifying interpretations of 'Byeongmat' and 'Byeongmat webtoons', and accelerating the crack on the younger generation discourse.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.33
• /
• pp.115-167
• /
• 2006

The purpose of this study was to investigate coverage patterns of the Korean internet news media on 'US-Iraq War' and its meaning and discourse structure. The internet news media was recently established and become a popular news media to compete with old news media in Korea. The author selected the 'Oh My News' as a representative internet news media for his analysis, and collected its news items from Mar. 20, 2003 to Dec. 17, 2003. on the basis of 4 different phases of the war. He analysed the whole of news items with various semiotic and discourse analytic methods, especially applying for Bell's concepts of time and discourse structure. As a result of this study, first of all, it was found that the 'Oh My News' tended to cover this war so different ways as the old news media did. It did not pay attention to the procedure of war, especially, battlefields, fighting between US and Iraq, damages and casualties. But, instead, it paid attention to many doubts about intention of US government and the President, Bush, dichotomous shift between pro-America and anti-America, rightness of dispatching Korean army into Iraq, etc. Secondly, it functioned as a kind of alternative media to speak up different voices comparing with those of old media. It tended to suggest different perspectives and opinions, while the old media tended to follow American perspectives and opinions. Thirdly, it became as a kind of new media setting agendas for this war in Korean society. It played a very important role for setting agendas for various issues related with this war. In conclusion, the internet news media has recently become a kind of new news media for suggesting alternative or different opinions, setting agendas, initiating discourses, etc., even though it still has may problems of becoming so called orthodox news media.

• Asia Pacific Journal of Corpus Research
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.1-20
• /
• 2022

As a milestone progression in China's space exploration history, Chang'e Project has attracted a lot of media attention since its first launching. This study aims to examine and compare the similarities and differences between the Chinese media and the British media in using nouns, verbs, and adjectives to report the Chang'e Project. After categorising the documents based on specific project phases, we created two diachronic corpora to explore the linguistic shifts and similarities and differences of diction employed by the Chinese and British media on the Chang'e Project ideology. This longitudinal study was performed with Lancsbox and the CLAWS web tagger through critical discourse analysis as the theoretical framework. The findings of the current study showed that the Chang'e Project coverage in both media increased on an annual basis, especially after 2019. In contrast to the objectivity and positivity in the Chinese Media, the British Media seemed to be more subjective with more appraisal adjectives in the news reports. Nonetheless, both countries were trying to be objective and formal in choosing nouns and verbs. Ideology-wise, the Chinese news media reports portrayed more positivity on domestic circumstances while the British counterpart was typically more critical. Notably, the study outcomes could catalyse future research on the Chang'e Project and facilitate diplomatic policies.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
• /
• v.22 no.7
• /
• pp.103-108
• /
• 2022

Mass media in the digital age are not only one of the most important elements of the information society but also a strategic resource for its development. Effectively implemented communication makes it possible to build connections not only between individuals, but also between social institutions and representatives of various generational groups of the mass audience, as well as ensure information security in a crisis period. At the same time, in the context of a constantly increasing amount of information flows, more and more often "a person loses the ability to independently think, analyze, and critically perceive information." At the same time, "imposing" on the representatives of this or that society, through the content of multi-format mass media or active authors of social networks, a certain point of view on the problem becomes a completely realizable task. Thus, the main task of the study is to analyze the anti-crisis communications in legal discourse in terms of ensuring information security. As a result of the study, current trends and prerequisites of anti-crisis communications in legal discourse in terms of ensuring information security were revealed.