• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• Journal of Consumption Culture
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.93-118
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of a householder's working type on household saving from the perspective of precautionary saving behavior theory and the determinants of household saving by householder's working type. The data for this study was from the 2009 year of the Korea Welfare Panel Survey (KOWEPS), consisting of 2,463 households with householders whose working type was regular or non-regular employment(temporary, daily or public work). OLS regression analyses and Chow-tests were performed. In the regression analyses, the dependent variables for household saving were precautionary saving and precautionary asset. Precautionary saving was operationalized with the amount of average monthly saving and the ratio of average monthly saving to average monthly disposable income, and precautionary asset was operationalized with the amount of financial assets and the ratio of financial assets to net assets. The independent variables were household income, household assets, householder's working type(regular, non-regular), householder's age, sex, education level and marriage status, income level, the number of household members, housing type, debt, and public transfer income. Monthly average total consumption expenditures for household income, and net assets for household assets, the existence of spouse for marriage status, poverty for income level were used. Public transfer income was classified into three, social insurance, basic assistance and government assistance. For the analyses, Stata 11.0 version was used. The results are as follows: Householder's working type was significantly related to the precautionary saving behavior of a household. However, the precautionary saving and the precautionary asset of a household with a householder in non-regular working type was lower than those of a household with a householder in regular working type. This result is not consistent with the expectation from the perspective of precautionary saving behavior that the saving of a household with a householder in non-regular working type is expected to be higher than that of a household with a householder in regular working type. According to the analyses of the determinants for precautionary saving behavior by householder's working type, monthly average total consumption expenditures, debt, net assets, poverty, the number of household members, basic assistance were statistically significant variables. The positive relation of basic assistance to precautionary saving(the amount of average monthly saving and the ratio of average monthly saving)is a noteworthy result in the analyses of the determinants for household saving by householder's working type. The above results suggest the followings. First, it is easy to predict the unstability of economic life of a household with a householder in non-regular working type because of relatively low precautionary saving and precautionary asset. The reason for the low precautionary saving and the low precautionary asset may be a low current income of the household in spite of its willingness to save. If this reasoning is possible, it suggests that policies are needed for households with householders in non-regular working type to save. Second, the relatively low precautionary saving and precautionary asset of a household with a householder in non-regular working type suggest also their long-term economic stability. This suggests they need to try a long-term financial planning even though they have limitations to save for future because of their low current income. It is necessary to develop the financial planning for the households with unstable incomes. Third, the determinants for precautionary saving behavior by householder's working type were mostly the ones which reflect the economic condition of a household. This suggests that the economic condition of a household is a core factor for household saving. Consequently, it emphasizes the efforts for a household to acquire the adequate level of income for saving. Forth, the positive relation of basic assistance to precautionary saving(the amount of average monthly saving and the ratio of average monthly saving) suggests the possibility for a household to accumulate the precautionary saving and the precautionary asset in the channel of basic assistance.

• Journal of Consumption Culture
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2012

The purpose of this study was to analyze the economic structures of low-income households, and to provide the policy suggestions for their economic well-being. The data for this study was from the 2009 year of the Korea Welfare Panel Survey (KOWEPS). The results are as follows: As for income structure, the low-income households had lower amounts in earned income, business and side-work income, and property income, but a higher amount in transfer income. They had a lower amount in private transfer income, but a higher amount in public transfer income. They had the highest rate of transfer income, showing that the rate of public transfer income was higher than that of private transfer income, and the government assistance was the highest rate in public transfer income. The households in extreme poverty had the lowest amounts in earned income, financial income, private transfer income, but the highest amount in public transfer income. The households in poverty had the lowest amount in transfer income. The households in extreme poverty, poverty and near poverty showed the highest rate in transfer income. As for asset structure, the low-income households had a lower amount in every type of assets. They showed the highest rate in total debt, and had a higher rate in housing asset, but lower rates in real-estate asset, financial asset and other asset. The households in extreme poverty had a lower amount in every type of assets than the households in near poverty. Three types of the low-income households showed the highest rate in housing asset, but the households in extreme poverty was the highest among them. As for expenditure structure, the low-income households had lower amounts in all of the expenditure items. They showed the highest rate in food expenditure, the second highest in other consumption expenditure. The households in extreme poverty showed lower amounts in almost all of the expenditure items than the households in near poverty, but the households in extreme poverty showed a higher amount in monthly rent than the households in neat poverty. Three types of the low-income households showed the highest rate in food expenditure. The expenditure rates of food, monthly rent and light·heat·water for households in extreme poverty were higher than those for the households in near poverty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.293-300
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• 2008

It determines Chinese addiction to piquancy that the Chinese traditional food production laid excessively particular stress on agriculture coming into being long before in the history and the state of Chinese food living was that the people were very difficult to live. The history of Chinese addiction to piquancy could be traced back to prehistory. And in Chinese “hot” is separated from “peppery” and it refers in particular to the piquancy more than general peppery. The character of “Hot” appeared after Han Dynasty in Chinese. Capsicum was brought to China from the sea in the middle of Ming Dynasty. Then it surpassed the formers soon and became the most popular and addictive piquancy food in China. Capsicum has many names in China, such as “$F{\bar{a}}nji{\bar{a}}o$”, “$H{\bar{a}}iji{\bar{a}}o$”, “$L{\grave{a}}ji{\check{a}}o$”, “$L{\grave{a}}h{\breve{u}}$”, “$L{\grave{a}}zi$”, etc., and they indicate the geographical and humanistic character of the distribution. (eight books on preserving one’s health) is the earliest history record about capsicum in existent Chinese history record that was finished in 1591. In this article the author puts new opinion forward on the record in this book. It is because the hottest piquancy of capsicum, capsicum’s better adaptability and low cost to plant combine with Chinese piquancy addiction at large that capsicum can replace the status of pepper and other traditional peppery flavorings soon and cause worldwide attention to the Chinese piquancy addiction finally. The human common characters of unchangeable inertia, depending to fully grow addiction and aggrieved delight are the most important reasons to cause piquancy addiction that has formed a custom through long-repeated practice and this custom do not change with condition change. The unbalanced spread process of capsicum in China shows that the region is poorer and the addictive degree is deeper.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.3-36
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• 2010

This paper is based on the certain point that 'the indigenous', which have long been occupied by the Asian patriarchy or the local communities, now calls for the repositioning in the feminist context. 'The indigenous', in one part, generally refer to the matured long-standing traditions and practices of certain regional, or local communities, as a mode of a place specific way of endowing the world with integral meaning. In the narrow definition, it points to the particular form of placed based knowledge for survival, for example, the useful knowledge of a population who have lived experiences of the environment. In the other part, 'the indigenous' could be criticized in the gender perspectives because it has been served as an ideological tool for patriarchy and sexism, which have undermined women's body and subjectivity in the name of the Asian traditional community. That's why the feminists with sensitivity to the discourses of it, may perceive it very differently, still hesitating dealing with the problem. However, even if there are tendencies that the conservatives romanticize local traditions and essentialize 'the indigenous', as it were, it does not exist 'out there'. Then, it could be scrutinized in the contemporary context which, especially, needs to seek the possibility towards the alternatively post - develope mental knowledge system. In the face of global economic crisis which might be resulted from the instrumentalized or fragmented knowledge production system, it's holistic conceptions that human, society, and nature should not be isolated from each other. is able to give an insightful thinking. It will work in the restraint condition that we reconceptualize the indigenous knowledge not as an unchanging artefact of a timeless culture, but as a dynamic, living and culturally meaningful system towards the ecofeminstic indigenous knowledge. And then, indigenous renaissance phenomena which empower non-western culture and knowledge system and generate increased consciousness of cultural membership. Thus, this paper argues that the indigenous knowledges which have been underestimated in the western-centered knowledge-power relations, could be reconstructed as a potential resources of ecological civility transnationally which reconnect individuals and societies with nature.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.69-96
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• 2019

North Korea has conserved operas in a selective manner. The subject matters of operas recorded in the history of North Korea can be divided into classical tales, translated foreign works, Korean War and war against Japan. Operas that adapted folk classics of the 1950s are considered valuable materials to verify the changes of genres posterior to division of regime between North and South Korea. The officially confirmed works include "Kumgangsan Palseonnyeo (Gyeonwoo Jiknyeo)," "Chunhyangjeon." "Kongjwi Patjwi (Kotsin)," "Ondal," and "Geumnaneui Dal." These works had gone through recreation in terms of realistic situation setting, abolition of class difference, adjustment of social rank and punishment of evil while the base lies in the original folk classics. People emphasized in adapted folk operas are described as those who are hard-working souls without giving importance of difference of social rank, content with the currently living space, devoted to their parents and full of patriotic spirit, and members of community who participate in organized fights against unfair exploitation. This was the fruit of encouragement of work creation supporting union between labor and individual life, destruction of old things and fight promoting this destruction. Folk operas of South and North Korea posterior to Korean War have similarities in that both deal with a love story transcending social ranks and the concomitant conflicts and they focus on the audience who enjoy the operas. Nonetheless, they are different in that this love in North Korea became a tool of educating people wished by the regime, while it became an object of securing the audience by adding the tragic element to love in South Korea. North Korean operas of the initial stage are characterized by playwriting method emphasizing difficult life and compensation of common people, realistic stage expression, accentuation of melody and agreement between notes and lyrics. This was efforts designed to continuously lead senses concentrated from the theater to everyday life of people. In effect, this is in line with the playwriting method of revolutionary operas. Adapted folk operas were subject matters ideal for easily approaching the audience and leaving them good memories at the same time. To realize socialist realism, they went through an experiment of reviewing "people" through the classic folk operas. The possibility of continuation of a work was determined by thorough evaluation after carrying out an experiment in terms of subject matters, theme, music and operation plans from the moment of which the work was on the stage. The sign consisted in the possibility of visit of "Kim Il-sung" to appreciate the work and presentation of directionality. By proposing the clear directionality of which hard-working people who deny social status system can be duly compensated, it encouraged the audience who saw the opera to voluntarily put this in practice. Thus, operas established the directionality through selective processes for creating public communion even before revolutionary operas.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.399-429
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• 2009

The purpose of this research examines the factors that influence happiness among Korean adolescents by focusing on psychological resource (as measured by self-efficacy), relational resource (as measured by social support) and financial resource (as measured by family's monthly income). In addition, the influence of academic achievement on happiness is examined. To examine the influence of socio-economic status and family's monthly income, adolescents living in three different districts in Seoul (from working to middle to upper class districts) were randomly selected and interviewed in their home. A total of 190 elementary school, middle school, high school and university students (male=83, female=107) completed the resiliency of efficacy scale developed by Bandura (1995) and emotional support and happiness scale developed by the present researchers, in addition to background information. The results of the path analysis are as follows. First, the most important predictor of happiness among Korean adolescents is relational resources. In other words, emotional support received from significant others was most predictive of happiness; more than 60 times the effect of family's monthly income, three times the effect of academic achievement, and two times the effect of resiliency of efficacy. The second most important factor that predicted the happiness of Korean adolescents was psychological resource (i.e., resiliency of efficacy), which had 30 times the effect of family's monthly income. In addition resiliency of efficacy played a mediating role between emotional support on one hand and happiness on the other. Third, those respondents who had higher academic achievement reported higher levels of happiness, which had 20 times the effect of family's monthly income. Fourth, family monthly income did not predict happiness among Korean adolescents. Fifth, socio-economic status and school level did not have direct influence on happiness but had mediating influence through their influence on emotional support. In other words, those respondents with higher socio-economic status and elementary school students were more likely to receive social support from significant others, which in turn increased their happiness. These results indicate that the most important predictor of happiness among Korean adolescents is emotional support, followed by resiliency of effic acy and academic achievement, indicating that those adolescents from wealthy families are not necessarily happier.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.103-139
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• 2002

Korean society has significantly changed with the onset of a dramatic economic crisis in 1998. From 2000, however, the Korean economy has recovered and currently Korea is enjoying a similar standard of living and economic growth as the pre-1998 levels. This study is a follow-up analysis, comparing the results examining the success attribution of Korean students and adults in 2001 with the results obtained before the economic crisis in 1997. Using the indigenous psychological approach, this study compares the similarities and differences in Korean students and adults' attribution of their personal success before and after the economic crisis. A total of 988 participants, consisting of 481 primary, junior high, senior high and university students and 507 adults (236 fathers and 271 mothers of the students) completed the questionnaire developed by Kim and Park (1998). The results indicate that students perceived their academic achievement and adults perceived successful family life as their most proud achievement. Successful family life included items such as academic success of children, healthy development of their children, and harmonious family life. The person who provided the most significant support for students were parents and for adults, it was their spouse. For students, the importance of friends' social support increased during the high school years. In terms of type of social support, emotional support was reported to be the most important for both students and adults. As for the reason for their success, majority of students and men reported self-regulation and for women, supportive family environment was reported as being the most important. Comparing 2001 results with the 1997 results, the importance of family increased after the economic crisis. Even with the dramatic economic crisis, however, some of the underlying pattern remain strong (such as importance of academic achievement for students, family life for adults, the importance of social support, especially emotional social support from family members, and believing that self-regulation would lead to success). The similar pattern of results obtain before and after the economic crisis indicate that the above results reflect a fundamental values and belief system deeply imbedded in Korean mentality.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.253-289
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• 2012

Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.