• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.45-86
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• 2020

In this article, the "modernization of the tradition" constructed on the cultural politics and the way in which it appropriated in the korean theatre in the 1970s were analyzed. It is trying to reveal its implications. It is also a work to critically review the aspects of self-censorship in the korean theatre in the 70s. To that end, we looked at the theatre company Minye Theatre, which preoccupied the traditional discussions in the 1970s by creating national dramas. Until now, the evaluation of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the 1970s has focused on the achievement on the directing of Heo Gyu, who promoted the succession and transformation of tradition. However, the traditional ideology constructed in the state-led cultural politics in the 70s and the way in which it was operated cannot be evaluated only in terms of artistic achievement. The ideology of tradition is selected according to the selective criteria of the subject to appropriate tradition. What's important is that certain objects are excluded, discarded, re-elected, re-interpreted and re-recognized in the selection process of selected traditional ideology. This is the situation in the '70s, when tradition was constantly re-recognized amid differences between the decadent and the disorder that were then designated as non-cultural, and led to a new way of appropriate. The nation-led traditional discussion of the '70s legalized the tradition with stable values, one of the its way was the national literary and artistic support. Under the banner of modernization of tradition, theatre company Minye preoccupied the discussions on the tradition and presented folk drama as a new theatre. As an alternative to the crisis of korean theatre at the time, the Minye chose the method of inheriting and transforming tradition. It is noteworthy that Heo Gyu, the representative director of the theatre company Minye, recognized the succession and transformation of traditional performance as both a calling and an experiment. For Heo Gyu, tradition was accepted as an irresistible stable value and an unquestionable calling, and as a result, his performance, filled with excessive traditional practices, became overambitious, especially when it failed to reflect the present-here reality, the repeated use of traditional expression tools resulted in skilled craftsmanship, not artistic creation. The traditional ideology of the 70s unfolds in a new aspect of appropriation in the 80s. In 1986, Son Jin-Cheok, Kim Seong-nyeo, and Yoon Mun-sik, who were key members of the theatre company Minye Theatre, left the theatre to create the theatre company Michu, and secured popularity through Madangnori(popular folk yard theatre). Son Jin-Cheok's Madangnori is overbearing through satire and humor. It gained popularity by criticizing and mocking state power. On the other hand, not only the form of traditional performance, but also the university-centered Madanggeuk movement, which appropriated on the spirit of resistance from the people to its traditional values, has rapidly grown. In the field of traditional discussions of the 70s, Madanggeuk was self-born through appropriation in which the spirit of resistance of the people is used as a traditional value. Madanggeuk as well as Michu that achieved the popularization of Madangnori cannot be discussed solely by the artistic achievement of the modernization of tradition. Critics of korean theatre in response to state-led traditional discussions in the 70s was focused only on the qualitative achievement of performing arts based on artistry. I am very sorry for that. As a result, the popular resistance of the Madanggeuk and the Madangnori were established in the 'difference' with the traditions of the theatre company Minye Theatre. Theatre company Minye Theatre was an opportunity for the modernization of tradition, but the fact that it did not continuously produce significant differences. This is the meaning and limitation of the "tradition" of the theatre company Minye Theatre in the history of korean theatre in the 1970s.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• 제26집
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• pp.151-185
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• 2007

The main industry of the Chosun dynasty was farming, which was related to the people's lives in every respect. By the end of the Chosun dynasty commerce was a new industry becoming increasingly more beneficial. I study how these two industries were being expressed in the classic Sijo. The classic Sijo is a main literary genre created by the upper-class. Even though industry was very important for sustaining the Chosun dynasty, Confucian scholars and government officials(members of the upper class) didn't actually work in the industries of farming and commerce. But sometimes they returned to their rural hometowns, because they owed large amounts of land which they let the servants farm for themselves. As the main composers of Sijo were these Confucian scholars and government officials, I study a collection of their Sijo which expresses the life of industry. In order to achieve this goal, I analyze several sides of the classic Sijo : for example, its writers(along with their personalities) throughout different periods: the point of view of persona; and the specific life of industry and the way it is expressed in the Sijo. First, I look at the writers of the different periods and their personalities. During the fourteenth century to the seventeenth century, the main writers of Sijo on the life of farming were Confucian scholars and government officials. During the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, the main writers of Sijo on the life of farming were Confucian scholars, government officials, and also commoner singers-the unnamed writers. Second, I look at the point of view of persona. During the fourteenth century to the seventeenth century, the personas were the country man(one's lord and master) and the farmer, who was of two kinds of people : i.e., those trying to work together and those really working together. During the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, the personas were the country man, who was satisfied with his rural life as overseer to farming, and two kinds of farmers : those who farmed very hard by themselves, or those who criticized the failed tax system. Third, I discuss the specific life of industry and the way it is expressed in the Sijo. During the fourteenth century to the seventeenth century, the writers of Sijo expressed, in a general way together in one Sijo, different kinds of work for example, plowing a dry field and a rice field, picking wild vegetables, and cutting rice and weed. During the eighteenth century to the nineteenth century, the writer of Sijo expressed different kinds of work in a more specific way, each in its own Sijo : for example, buying and selling, bringing land under cultivation for farming. weaving, digging for water, and heavy taxation. I look at three aspects of Sijo concerning industry, but there still remain several aspects of Sijo to study, such as those concerning worship of the king, and those concerning high officials, the common people, and the being of things.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• 제14권
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• pp.63-73
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• 1990

The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• 통권43호
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• pp.285-320
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• 2016

Cartoons and Animation are convergent arts created with a composite application of language arts described in the form of literary texts and sounds, plastic arts visualized in the form of artistic paintings, and film arts produced in the form of moving pictures. An academic university major in cartoons and animation studies established in late 20th century however, did not satisfactorily meet the needs in academic research and development and the free expression of artistic creation was limited. In order to systematize the major in cartoons and animation studies, an convergent approach to establish and clarify following are in demand : the terms and definitions, the historical developments, the research areas and methods, the major education and related jobs and start-ups. New culture and arts industries including cartoons, animation, moving images, and games contents are not yet listed in the industries listing service jointly provided online by the portal site Naver.com and Hyung-Seol publishing company. Above all, cartoons and animation are inseparably related to each other that even if one uses the term separately and independently, the meaning may not be complete. So a new combined term "Animatoon" can be established for the major in cartoons and animation studies and also used for its degree with concentrations of cartoons, animation, moving images, games, and etc. In the Introduction, a new combined term Animatoon is defined and explained the use of this term as the name of the major and degree in cartoons and animation studies. In the body, first, the Historical Developments classified Animatoon in the ancient times, the medieval times, and the modern times and they are analyzed with the help of esthetics and arts using examples of mural frescos, animal painting, religion cartoons, caricatures, cartoons, satire cartoons, comics, animation, 2 or 3 dimensional webtoons, and K-toons. Second, the Research Areas of Animatoon reviewed the theories, genres, artworks, and artists and the Research Methods of Animatoon presented the curriculum that integrated the courses in humanities, science technologies, culture and arts, and etc. Third, the Major Education considered Animatoon education in children, young adults, students of the major and the Related Jobs and Start-Ups explored various jobs relating to personal creation of artwork and collective production of business-oriented artwork. In the Conclusion, the current challenges of Animatoon considered personalization of the artists, specialization of the contents, diversification of the types, and liberalization of the art creation. And the direction of improvement advocated Animatoon to be an academic field of study, to be an art, to be a culture, and to be an industry. The importance of cartoons and animation along with videos and games rose in the 21st century. In order for cartoons and animation to take a leading role, make efforts in studying Animatoon academically and also in developing Animatoon as good contents in the cultural industries.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• 제23집
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• pp.71-105
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• 2005

Toson-Shibigok(Twelve Songs of Toson) which T'oegye, Yi Hwang, composed has received a lot of attention in terms of its educational implications. These implications have become the essential part of Gojeon Sigas(classic songs and poems), and solid evidence has also been accumulated in the literature. Therefore, the purposes of this study are twofold, that is 1) to explore the impact of T'oegye's fundamental structure of the first education at that time and 2) describe how these educational attitudes will eventually yield meta- educational values. What T'oegye meant by fundamental structure of the first education was that Sijos originated from his own experience should be the vital part of teaching method. One can say that T'oegye's teaching method is more integrative than that of modern literature education in that it includes songs. Not only using his own teaching method, but T'oegye tried to demonstrate his own literary structure to his colleagues and the future generations. In the end, Meta-Education which comprises the heart of recent educational theories well reflects Toegye's theoretical propositions. Rather than giving practical knowledge, his method offers the paradigms of thought patterns and shows the learners' attitudes in approaching the truth. Moreover, T'oegye's teaching method has become a good example to the future generations as well as his contemporary followers. In sum, although a lot of years have passed since he died, T'oegye's Sijo works and life still have invaluable impact on the field of education.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• 제43권
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• pp.429-457
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• 2016

This article is an analysis of the status of the modern Korean novels translated into Chinese over the past five years and how they are perceived by readers. Translation of modern Korean novels over the past five years has a few important characteristics as the following. The first characteristic is diversity. Books written by the most representative modern Korean writers, like Lee Gwang-soo, Kim Yu-jung, Kim Dong-ri, and books of the authors with very unique ideas, such as Park Kyung-ri, Lee Mun-yeol, Shin Kyung-suk, Gong Ji-young, Kim Young-ha, Park Min-kyu, Cheon Myung-gwan, and Kim Ae-ran have been translated and introduced to the Chinese population. Secondly, there are active translation of the books written by female writers. Lastly, without the support of the Literature Translation Institute of Korea or the Daesan Foundation, the number of works translated and published is slowly increasing. As a result of the increasing number of translations, the quality of translation is improving. However, interest on the part of Chinese readers in the modern Korean novel is not very high. But, the works of authors like Kim Young-ha, Cheon Myung-gwan, Kim Ae-ran, and Park Min-kyu, who began their literary careers after the mid-90s, are drawing relatively more attention. The common features of such works are the novelty of the narrative methods, attachment to reality, and readability. The interest shown by Chinese readers is significant in explaining the two following factors. First, it is true that many modern Korean novels are available in China, but only those that have been read will continue to be read. Second, the indifference of Chinese readers to modern Korean novels is because they are not yet aware of the existence of such works. It is important to train professional translators who can properly translate literature and also to focus on introducing the differences in modern Korean novels through canonical translation. To achieve this aim, not only supportive policies, but also cooperation between researchers in the field of modern Korean literature, translators, and publishers is essential.

• 기호학연구
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• 제57호
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• pp.211-255
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• 2018

This paper attempts to "re-read" the webtoon Misaeng, which was once an important issue in the field of public discourse on "labor". Our hypothesis was that the dual actactial structure of Misaeng's hero Jang Geurae gave a dual structure to the entire text, which leads to the discovery of text meaning that was not mentioned in the existing discourse. This is based on the concept of 'meta-story character', which Hiroki Azuma talked in his postmodern literary theory. To verify this hypothesis we analyzed the text by applying the Parisian semiotics, more specifically J. Fontanille's theory. Jang Geurae is observed to be a actant of dual structure divided into 'character' of the enunciated level and 'player' of the enunciation level. Considering this characteristic of the hero, Misaeng can be interpreted as a metafiction that shows the 'shifting' between the subject of the enunciated level and the subject of the enunciation level. On the level of 'character' Jang's existence mode turns out to be "Deficiency (actualized)", but on the level of 'player' Jang 's existence mode turns out to be "Inanity(potentiallized)." His somatic responses also show a duality, which is represented by Fontanille's corps-actant model, where on the level of 'character' the somatic actant of Jang consists of 'Moi-chair(ego-flesh)' and 'Soi-idem(self-idem)', and on the level of 'player' it consists of 'Moi-chair(ego-flesh)' and 'Soi-ipse(self-ipse)'. The former mainly acts as a 'role' and takes charge of exteroceptive perception, while the latter mainly acts as 'attitude' and takes charge of interoceptive perception. Because of this dissociative nature of actant, Jang's two 'self' draw the re-adjustment of values without serious conflict between the collective norms and the individual identity. This is in sharp contrast with other characters who struggle with the conflict between the environment and "self". It becomes customary to adopt norms that are suspected to ineffective, but if you raise questions, the normative system can be updated. On one axis of Misaeng there are characters who have lost themselves in customs. On the other axis, there is Jang who can not help dismantling the existing ineffective norms and updating the normative system. Jang's existence mode seems to be one of many possible modes generated by this era where people share no longer solid community values, His actantial structure also communicates with readers of these days who put themselves more in subject of enunciation level than of enunciated level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• 제46권1호
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• pp.76-101
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• 2013

In this article, we examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo, the 22nd King of the Joseon dynasty located in Yongwol, Gangwondo. The Jangtae culture - burial of the navel cord - is a unique Royal ritual which began during the Shilla dynasty and continued to be carried out for a long period until the Koryo and Joseon dynasties. Until today, about 300 Taebong sites have been discovered, most of which are the Taebong of the decedents of the royal family of the Joseon Kingdom. Most Taeshils built for Kings of the Joseon dynasty were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period, among which only a few have been recovered and managed across the nation. The Taeshil of King Jungjo is one of the leading examples among existing Taeshils in Korea which has managed to preserve well enshrined relics as well as literature documents including stone relics in perfect sets. Thus, in order to examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo comprehensively, first of all literary materials related to the construction of King Jungjo's Taeshil such as the Josunwangjosilrok - "Annals of the Choson Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)". "Jungjongdaewang Taesilgabong Euigwe (正宗大王胎室加封儀軌) - Royal activities related to Taeshil, and local historic documents etc were searched and put together, while a focus was placed on examining the geographical location and state of the Taebong, including the specific style of each part of the Taeshil stone and characteristics of enshrined relics. Such materials are believed to have important utility in the future as a basic material to be used for research, maintenance, and restoration of Taeshil relics. So far, Taeshil relics is a field that has not been able to attract much attention from the academic world, however attention has begun to be paid to Taeshil relics due to recent archaeological excavations as well as an approach to artistic history. Academic research results are expected if Taeshil relics are able to be examined comprehensively in future covering various areas such as literature history, archaeology, and artistic history etc.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제36권4호
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• pp.1-17
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• 2018

This study was conducted to interpret the landscape of Songge Byeoleop(Korean villa) garden at Jogyedong, Bukhansan near Seoul which was built in the mid 17C. to restore through the literature reviews and field surveys. The results were as follows; Songge Byeoleop garden was a royal villa, constructed at King Injo24(1646) of Joseon dynasty by prince Inpyeong(麟坪大君), Lee, Yo(李?, 1622~1658), the third son of King Injo who was a brother of King Hyojong. It was a royal villa, Seokyang-lu under Mt. Taracsan of Gyendeokbang, about 7km away in the straight line from main building. It was considered that the building system was a very gorgeous with timber coloring because of owner's special situation who was called the great prince. The place of Songge Byeoleop identity and key landscape of the place were consisted with Gucheon waterfall and the sound of the water with multi-layered waterfall which might be comparable to the waterfall of Yeosan in China. After the destruction of the building, the place was used for the royal tomb quarry, but there was a mark stone for forbidden quarry. The Inner part of Songge Beoleop, centered with Jogedongcheon, Chogye-dong, composted beautifully with the natural sceneries of Gucheon waterfall, Handam and Changbeok, and artificial structures, such as Bihong-bridge, Boheogak, Yeonghyudang and Gyedang. In addition, the existing Chinese characters, 'Songge Beoleop' and 'Gucheoneunpog' carved in the rocks are literary languages and place markings symbolizing with the contrast of the different forests and territories. They gave the names of scenery to the rock and gave meaning to them. Particularly, Gucheon waterfall which served as a visual terminal point, is a cascade type with multi-staged waterfall. and the lower part shows the topographical characteristics of the Horse Bowl-shaped jointed with port-holes. On the other hand, the outer part is divided into the spaces for the main entrance gate, a hanging bridge character, a bridge connecting the inside and the outside, and Yeonghyudang part for the purpose of living. Also in the Boheogak area, dual view frame structures are made to allow the view of the four sides including the width and the perimeter of the villa. In addition, at the view point in Bihong-bridge, the Gucheon water fall divides between the sacred and profane, and crosses the Bihong-bridge and climbs to the subterranean level.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• 제96권
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.