• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권5호
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• pp.445-454
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• 2021

Leader and leadership are one of the important aspects in the life of a country. This study aims to predict the intention of young voters to vote for state leader elections by expanding the theory of planned behavior to the Indonesian context. Apart from the importance of the presidential election, research rarely uses the theory of planned behavior, and to the best of researchers' knowledge, there are no studies that have applied the theory of planned behavior to predict the intention to vote for the president. Therefore, this study is an attempt to fill that gap. Two hundred questionnaires were distributed using non-probability purposive sampling. Data analysis was carried out using the structural equation modeling (SEM) approach. The results showed that attitude and behavior control were positively related to voters' intention to elect presidential candidates. Furthermore, information from social media also has a positive relationship with the attitude of choosing presidential candidates. However, the results also show that subjective norms do not have a significant relationship with voters' intention. This study contributes knowledge to researchers, practitioners, and policymakers about the factors that influence youth intention to vote in Indonesia, namely, attitudes, perceived behavior control, and information from social media.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.31-38
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• 2018

Leading up to the 2019 presidential election in Indonesia, campaigns have emerged through social media, particularly Twitter, using various hashtags, such as #2019GantiPresiden (2019 Change President) and #TetapJokowi (Always Jokowi). This paper tries to understand the presidential candidates' power map in forming opinions and influencing voter behavior by analyzing Twitter from August 6, 2018 to September 15, 2018, just before the beginning of the official campaign period, by searching for the keyword "pemilihan presiden RI Tahun 2019" (RI presidential election in 2019). According to our NodeXL's analysis, there were 1,650 active Twitter users talking about the 2019 presidential election. The 1,650 Twitter users have formed a communication network of 46,750 relationships formed from messages in the form of tweets, comments, and retweets. Our analysis found that those mentioning "pilihan presiden 2019" form large communication networks around four clusters: one for each of the two candidates (Jokowi and Prabowo) and two for opinion leaders who are undecided about the election (Gus Mus and Mas Piyu). GusMus is a religious leader, as an official of the PBNU Rais Syuriah (an Islamic organization) and has a large following both on and off Twitter. "MasPiyu" is an unidentified Twitter user; he only has a large following on Twitter, but does not have support offline.

• 한국통신학회논문지
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• 제32권2B호
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• pp.133-142
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• 2007

WPAN은 비교적 좁은 영역에서 통신이 수행되고, PNC라 불리는 중앙 조정장치가 중심이 돼서 네트워크가 조직되고 운영된다. 그리고 주요 응용분야는 방범장치, 건강관리 장치 등이 있을 수 있다. 이런 네트워크는 실시간성을 보장하는 것이 중요한데, PNC가 더 이상 동작하지 못해서 통신이 끊어지면 심각한 문제가 발생할 수 있기 때문에 이런 상황에서 다음 PNC를 빠르게 선출하는 것이 필요하다. 본 논문에서는 새로운 PNC를 선출할 때의 기준으로 QoS 보장가능정도와 주변 디바이스와의 연결성을 고려하여 기존의 PNC가 커버하던 영역을 최대한 보장하고 네트워크의 깨짐 및 분할 현상을 막고 QoS도 보장하는 분산적 PNC 선출방법을 제안한다. 저속 WPAN의 표준인 IEEE 802.15.4에 기반을 두는 시스템을 고려하였고, 모의실험결과 QoS와 주변 디바이스와의 연결성을 최대한 보장하면서 빠른 시간에 PNC를 선출할 수 있음을 알 수 있다.

• 한국통신학회논문지
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• 제41권12호
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• pp.1801-1810
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• 2016

본 논문에서는 최근 많은 관심과 집중을 받고 있는 SDN 분야 오픈 소스 프레임워크인 오픈데이라이트 컨트롤러를 중심으로 컨트롤러 클러스터 구조 및 동작방식에 대하여 분석한다. 오픈데이라이트 컨트롤러 클러스터에서는 컨트롤러 간 데이터 스토어의 동기화를 위하여 분산 샤드 구조 및 샤드 리더 선정을 위한 Raft 알고리즘을 적용하고 있다. 성능 분석에서는 컨트롤러 클러스터 크기, 샤드 역할, 샤드 정책에 따른 CRUD, Routed RPC 지연시간 및 리더 재선정 지연시간 등을 분석함으로써, 오픈데이라이트 컨트롤러 클러스터 운영 시의 최적 운영 방안을 논의한다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• 정보처리학회논문지C
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• 제15C권6호
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• pp.531-538
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• 2008

애드 혹 네트워크의 동적인 환경에서는 네트워크 토폴로지의 변화로 잦은 경로 단절과 이로 인한 전송 지연이 일어난다. 따라서 전송 지연에 민감한 애드 혹 네트워크의 실시간 환경에서는 효율적인 라우팅 방법이 주요 관심이 될 수밖에 없다. 그래프를 이용하는 통신 관련 이론의 주요 관심 중 하나는 주어진 노드들 중에서 어떠한 노드들이 연결되어 있으며, 최소 비용을 가진 경로는 어떻게 쉽게 찾을 것인가 하는 것 들이다. 애드 혹 네트워크에서 노드간의 연결은 인접 행렬로 나타낼 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 인접 행렬에 기반한 일련의 행렬 연산을 이용한 경로 검색 기법을 제안한다. 인접 행렬의 연산을 통해 구해진 연결 행렬을 이용하여 목적지로부터 소스까지 경로를 구하는 방법이다. 최단 경로를 검색하기 위한 인접 행렬 기반의 역검색 방법과 노드-비중첩 다중 경로를 검색하기 위한 인접 행렬 기반의 노드-비중첩 다중 경로 역검색 방법을 제안한다.

• 패션비즈니스
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.88-99
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• 2012

Recently the hair style of Michelle Obama, the world's most recognized First Lady of the United States has been loved by the public with her optimistic confidence and as a fashion leader. For Michelle Obama's hair styles by length, a medium-short cut style was expressed in various ways to show her strong will by exposing the forehead, an elegant image by asymmetry hair, or a progressive image by a short volume hair cut. A medium cut style expressed an elegant and intelligent image in shoulder-length and a trendy image using a side parting. A updo hair style produced young, womanly, and casual images using twisting, binding, typing up, and rolling technique according to situations. For hair styles associated with her roles, when participating as a diplomatic delegate, she expressed the President's helpful partner by a soft and womanly image using bobbed hair and half updo technique. For the participation in state occasions, her hair styles were examined in three situations. First of all, she mainly had a neat style, exposing her forehead in official schedules as a political partner to create an intelligent and high-class image. Second, she expressed a strong will with a medium-short style during an election campaign. Finally, she showed an elegant and refined hair style in consideration of T.P.O. during social activity. Michelle Obama overcame her hair's handicap, grasped her images associated with hair length, and expressed hair strategically according to her roles as the first African-American First Lady of the United States.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제16권
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제15권6호
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

팩션 영화들의 연이은 대 흥행으로 현재의 영화계는 이른바 팩션 열풍의 시대라 불리우고 있다. 영화 <광해, 왕이 된 남자>는 조선왕조실록 광해군 일기의 한 구절을 모티브로 사라진 15일간 광해를 대신한 또 다른 왕이 있었다는 팩션으로 관객들의 몰입과 상상을 자극한다. 또한 광해와 그를 대신하는 또 다른 왕, 하선을 통해 역사 속 광해군을 양면적 모습으로 재조명한다. 그리고 대선을 앞둔 시기에 개봉하여 대중이 바라는 지도자의 상을 재해석했다는 평을 받으며 흥행에 성공한다. 본 논문에서는 새로운 영상콘텐츠로 부각되고 있는 팩션에 대해 고찰해 보고, 누적관객 12,323,555명으로 역대 6위의 흥행성적을 가진 영화 <광해, 왕이 된 남자>의 흥행요소를 팩션영화로서의 <광해, 왕이 된 남자>, 광해의 양면성, 영화 개봉시기의 적절성, 이 세 가지로 분석, 연구한다. 결론적으로 영화 <광해, 왕이 된 남자>는 철저하게 대중들의 요구와 기호에 부합된 영화로 흥행에 성공하였다. 앞으로 가장 기본적인 이 연결 관계에서 영화의 방향성과 흥행결과의 전략적 요소를 분석해야할 필요가 있으며, 이는 영화계의 발전에도 큰 의의가 있으리라 기대한다.

• 예술인문사회 융합 멀티미디어 논문지
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.267-277
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• 2017

견고한 분산 서비스를 개발하는 데 있어 주요 문제점 중 하나는 분산 그룹의 참여자들이 공유하는 데이터에 대한 동의를 보장하는 분산 컨센서스를 어떻게 달성하는가에 대한 문제이다. 분산 컨센서스를 위한 알고리즘 중 Raft는 분산 컨센서스 문제를 3가지(리더 선거, 로그 복제, 안정성)로 나누어 해결한 간단하고 이해하기 쉬운 컨센서스 알고리즘이다. 하지만 Raft는 컨센서스 그룹을 구성하고 있는 참여 노드의 추가나 제거같은 노드의 동적 구성에 대하여 전혀 언급하지 않고 있다. 본 논문에서는 Raft를 확장하여 참여 노드의 동적 구성을 허용하는 새로운 컨센서스 알고리즘, Raft-D에 대해 기술한다. 이를 위하여, Raft-D는 참여 노드가 가지는 정보를 확장하고 컨센서스 그룹에 속해있는 노드들의 연결 상태를 확인하기 위한 기법을 제공하며, 이를 바탕으로 컨센서스 그룹의 참여 노드 추가 및 삭제 작업을 다루기 위한 상태와 조건에 대하여 정의한다. 이러한 상태와 조건을 기반으로, Raft-D는 Raft의 로그 업데이트 과정을 통한 컨센서스 그룹의 동적 구성 작업을 수행한다.