• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.135-147
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• 2022

Sin Dae-woo was a scholar representing the Ganghwa School in the late Joseon Dynasty. He was Jeong Je-du's grandson-in-law and also in charge of organizing Jeong Je-du's collection of writings. His three sons had a particularly close relationship with their father, so even when they published a collection of writings after his father's death, the names of the three were combined and marked as Jin-jak-shin. The records they left include Seokcheon Il-seung, who described the history of the family along with the collection of writings, Seongdo Il-rok, a diary of the time of Seongcheon Busa, and many letters exchanged over time. These records draw attention as they contain records of medical life, such as eye diseases that the family suffered, infectious diseases that caused many casualties, and Yakro (distilled herbal essence) that showed records of being used for treatment at the time. In this paper: 1) We examine the medicines, prescriptions, acupuncture, and medication used to treat eye diseases. 2) We carefully examine the epidemic, the responses of the parties to it, and the attitudes of those who stood at the boundary between death and life. 3) We look for clues to the use of Western-origin drugs called Yakro. Intellectuals of the time looked deeper into Lee Kyugyung's book and Seo Yu-gu's book on how they were reflected in Joseon's medical life. In conclusion, in the 18th and 9th centuries, we see that the influential families of the Ganghwa school freely brought in famous acupuncturists, used prescriptions that were included in medical books or not, and used Yakro from western origin that were not traditional methods of Joseon. Thus, we reveal that doctors of the Joseon had the capacity to pursue their medical life more actively and had open-minded exchanges than our existing perceptions.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.35-46
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• 2014

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水)'. But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.7-19
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• 2014

The temple Hoeamsa(檜巖寺) was repaired by Naong(懶翁), and with this the power of the temple became far greater to be the greatest Buddhist temple during late Goryeo and early Joseon. Naong's reconstruction of Hoeamsa was originated from Jigong(指空)'s teaching 'Samsan Yangsu(三山兩水).' But it is not clear whether Samsan Yangsu really meant Hoeamsa. By the way, after 14 years, Naong suddenly remembered this word and began to repair Hoeamsa in a large scale. From this, we can guess that Naong tried to give the contemporary Buddhism some change through the repair of Hoeamsa. But, as King Gongmin(恭愍王) the greatest supporter of Naong was suddenly assassinated, the political situation changed a lot and Naong also died unexpectedly. Naong's death brought out the critical sense to Hoeamsa and, in the process to resolve the crisis, the repair of Hoeamsa began to be justified through diverse religious factors. As these were expanded and developed on and one, Hoeamsa came to be honored as the most divine temple in Korea during the early Joseon dynasty. Furthermore, into the cause structure for the Naong's repair of Hoeamsa, the influence of Jajang was added through Odaesan Buddhism. As we can well understand, late Silla situation of Jajang and the late Goryeo of Naong were very similar and the both Buddhist leaders should have derived out some religious solution for them. In other words, both of them had a similar recognition in finding the religious solution for the contemporary crises. It becomes a way to understand the Hoeamsa repairing structure taken by Naong and his disciples. Therefore, by comparing the similar religious solution structures given by Jajang and Naong and by clearer understanding on Samsan Yangsu spirit, we can see the repair of Hoeamsa and the related aspects more accurately.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.81-94
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• 2023

Haeju was home to the Hwanghae-do Provincial Office and a hub for supporting the northwestern regions of Korea. Local commerce expanded in Haeju during the late Joseon period based on its abundant resources and regional products, leading it to evolve into a large city. King Seonjo temporarily resided in Haeju while seeking refuge from the Japanese Invasions of Korea, and Yi Yi (sobriquet: Yulgok) secluded himself in Seokdam in Haeju in his later years. King Seonjo's residence in Haeju and Yi Yi's retirement there boosted interest in the city among the literati and influenced its places of scenic beauty. The development of its local history and literary achievements were documented in a wide variety of historical records and visual materials. Eight scenic views in Haeju became famous through a poem written by Seong Su-ik in the late sixteenth century. Around the mid-eighteenth century, eight new scenic views became popular. Local officials and travelers from other regions produced a vast body of prose and poetry focusing on the landscape and society of Haeju, playing a crucial role in raising awareness of its scenic attractions. Most surviving visual materials related to Haeju were created in and after the nineteenth century. Many of them illustrate both landscapes and the everyday lives of people. Among them, paintings of scenic spots created by Jeong Seon (sobriquet: Gyeomjae), who never actually visited Haeju in person, raises some of the issues posed by relying on indirect materials. In contrast, Eight Scenic Views of Haeju, which is presumed to have been produced by a local painter, appears to have accurately highlighted the characteristics of each scenic spot. Moreover, Haejudo, a folding screen presenting a panoramic view of Haeju, incorporates content from paintings depicting eight scenic views, in this case Eight Scenic views of Haeju. This practice can be observed in visual materials of other provincial cities.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.269-303
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• 2016

There are two ways of viewing the Taoism of the Joseon dynasty. One is to view it from the point of view in Joseon, another is to view it from the outside of Joseon, i.e. foreigners' point of view. Maurice Courant(maurice courant,1865~1935)'s Bibliographie Coreenne is the Korean first bibliography(書誌) recorded from the latter's point of view. This research examined the Taoist scripture in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne. Maurice Courant classified the Taoist scripture of the Joseon into three: '1. Sacred books(經書類)', '2. Worship of Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君), Munchangjegun(文昌帝君), Buwoojegun (孚佑帝君)', '3. Various works'. Through this category, it was determined that the belief in three gods (Gwanseongjegun Munchangjegun Buwoojegun) was widely prevalent in the Joseon dynasty in the late 19th century. In the chapter 1, he composed the books of representative Taoist scripture as Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, 'God(太上)', and 'King of heaven(九天上帝)'. Maurice Courant determined in chapter 2 that 1890s' Joseon Gwanwoo (關帝) belief was activated, and mentioned 'Musangdan(無相壇)', namely, Joseon's first religious organization. However, he could not determine that the scriptures relevant to three gods were recorded to be divine revelations uttered by gods. 19th century's 'Musangdan' was not introduced by being imported with Chinese Taoist scripture, but was published with the Joseon Taoist scripture through Gangpil(降筆: recording divine revelations uttered by gods). Also, through Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, the point that 'belief in three gods' was prevalent in the social leader group during that period could be determined. The reason how such research could be possible seems, because Maurice Courant had Korean assistants who were good at Chinese classics. In chapter 3, Maurice Courant arranged the books based on Taoist ethic and the scriptures on Taoist social practical movement. Through the interpretation of Taoism bibliographies included in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, first, it could be determined that belief based on the three gods(三聖信仰) was prevalent during the 19th century, second, there were lots of the Taoist scriptures made in the late Joseon, third, the first Taoist religious organization and Taoist social movement form could be investigated.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.118-141
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• 2024

This study investigates and analyzes ancient literature records and iconographic materials to examine the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) built on Gasan(假山) Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川) within the Hanyangdoseong, which was deliberately created to prevent flood damage during the Joseon Dynasty. Although there have been research cases related to the willow tree, it is difficult to find research conducted with the purpose of identifying its archetypal value by investigating and analyzing specific use cases of the willow tree and its historical background. Accordingly, this study aims to identify examples of the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) created in Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川) during the Joseon Dynasty and reinterpret their value by illuminating the background of construction and regional characteristics. The main contents of this study are as follows. It is presumed that floods during the Joseon Dynasty were a great hazard. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, Joseon suffered severe damage from floods. By the time of King Yeongjo, all Four Mountains(四山) of the capital had become bare mountains, which was the cause of frequent floods. In the year of Gyeongjin(庚辰, the 26th year of King Yeongjo's reign, 1760), King Yeongjo dredged the channel bottom of Cheonggyecheon(淸溪川), which overflowed every rainy season, with the Juncheon Project(Channel-Dredging, 濬川事業) and planted willow trees on the mountain on both sides of the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門), as measures to prevent flood damage and soil loss. was implemented. In the <Doseongdo(都城圖)> in 《 Gwangyeodo(廣輿圖)》 produced in the mid-18th century during the reign of King Yeongjo, Gasan(假山), built in front of the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門) is visible, and in the record 『Sinjeung Donggukyeoji Seungnam(新增東國輿地勝)』 In the record, it appears that willows were planted on both sides of the mountain in the year of Gyeongjin(1760). With <Hanyangdoseong Map(漢陽都城圖)> produced in the 46th year of King Yeongjo's reign(1770), it is confirmed that willow trees formed a thick forest on Gasan Mountain near the Ogan Water Gate(五間水門) in the late 18th century. In addition, the Juncheon Project(Channel-Dredging, 濬川事業) and the creation of the Willow Tree Fence(樹柵) continued from the 15th century, the early Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮前期), to the end of the 19th century, the late Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮後期), through the records of ancient literature such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)』, 『Seungjeongwon Diary(承政院日記)』, and 『Records of Daily Reflections(日省錄)』. This study is meaningful in informing that the willow tree was a unique cultural heritage and traditional landscape resource by investigating the composition and use of the Willow Tree Fence in the Joseon Dynasty, which was a great basis for preventing floods and flood damage, as well as forming a beautiful landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.360-378
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• 2018

Noeui was a garment used for women's outfits and robes. In the late Joseon Dynasty it was a special garment that could only be worn by the class belonging to the royal family. Noeui was especially prepared as a wedding dress, and was worn by the bride at the Chinyeong ceremony on the day of the wedding ceremony. Until now, Noeui did not have in depth research at the costume history despite its importance as a royal costume in the Joseon Dynasty. Thus, based on Uigwe for the Royal Wedding Ceremony of King Injo and Queen Jangryeol (which is the only material with a diagram of Noeui and its pattern) this study historically investigated and restored the Noeui set of Queen Jangryeol, which was arranged in 1638, when King Injo and Queen Jangryeol were married. This academic study is the first to historically confirm and restore Queen Noeui's set, and rigorously analyze the historical materials as well as provide new comments on the shapes of Noeui's Git and the front side.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.85-106
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• 2011

This study analyzes excavated Danryeong of the same period to understand differences between female and male Danryeong, and to identify characteristics of female Danryeong, including their purpose, then-name and women's wearing of them. The subject female Danryeong were estimated to be worn in the late 15th century and the early 17th century, and newly-discovered female Danryeong, along with those examined in the Song Mi-kyeong's study, were studied. This study found that female Danryeong have distinctive characteristics from male's in many aspects such as ease of a garment, sleeve design, Hansam (a layered sleeve to cover hands), shape of Moos (side pleats), Goreum (a coat string), Dae (a belt). From this finding, the purpose of female Danryeong can be assumed: a ceremonial robe, which is different from that of mem's official robe. Female Danryeong began to disappear as Wonsam, a ceremonial topcoat, emerged. From the transitional Danryeong and excavated Wonsam, female Danryeong were estimated to be used as ceremonial robes in the mid Joseon period when Wonsam had yet to be created; and they were estimated to be called "Dansam" or "Wonsam."

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.855-866
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• 2016

This study explored the concept and use of two kinds of textiles goods (Cheongpo [blue textile] and Samseung) sold by Cheongpo-jeon merchants in the Joseon Dynasty of Korea. Research was conducted based on an analysis of relevant documents published during the Joseon Dynasty. The Cheongpo-jeon was a merchant group that predated 1637. They sold various imported goods such as Cheongpo, Samseung, cotton textiles, felts, hats, incense, and needles. Cheongpo and Samseung were the main products among these imported goods. Cheongpo was a blue cotton textile imported from China that was sold by Chengpo-jeon merchants. The Samseung sold by merchants was a kind of imported textile whose surface provided a feeling like cotton flannel. The concept of the two textiles were different from existing ideas. Generally, the Cheongpo was believed to be a hemp fabric dyed in blue and the Samseung was a textile with a density of three seung (a traditional density unit of textiles). Cheongpo was used as a currency for war supplies during the two Japanese invasions of Korea (1592 to 1598). In addition, it was also used to make military uniforms, tents, and flags after the Japanese invasion. Samseung was used in the combat uniforms of Chinese soldiers from Ming China during the Japanese invasion of Korea. In addition, it was continuously used to make quilted gambeson amour and some of military uniforms until the $19^{th}$ century.